n 



TH Congress \ ovK^n^v (Document 

2d Session | bJ^N^i. j No. 282 



Affairs of Hungary, 18494850 






MESSAGE FROM THE 
PRESIDENT OF THE UxNITED STATES 

TRANSMITTING 

IN RESPONSE TO A SENATE RESOLUTION OF DECEMBER 
7, 1909, CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. A. DUDLEY MANN 
(1849-1850), RELATING TO AFFAIRS IN HUNGARY, ALSO CER- 
TAIN ADDITIONAL PAPERS TRANSMITTED BY SECRETARY 
OF STATE ROBERT LANSING TO SENATOR HENRY CABOT 
LODGE, ON SEPTEMBER 10, 1918, RELAYING 
TO THE SAME SUBJECT 




?7'2-' 



PRESENTED BY MR. LODGE 
September 28, 1918.— Ordered to be printed 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1918 



n. of jD 

NOV JO , 



61sT Congress, 1 ''f/f SENATE. J Document 

" £d Session. J-. (9, 1 No. 279. 



AFFAIKS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 



MESSAGE 

FROM THE 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

TBANSMITTING 

CORRESPONDENCE WITH A. DUDLEY MANN (1849-1850) IN RE- 
SPONSE TO SENATE RESOLUTION NO. 85, OE DECEMBER 7, 1909, 
RELATING TO AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY. 



Januaey 10, 1910. — Ordered to be printed. 
Janttaey 20, 1910. — Ordered to be reprinted with corrections. 

Washington, 31 arch 28, 1850. 
To the Senate of the United States: 

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 22d instant, 
requesting the President of the United States to communicate to 
that body a copy of the instructions given to the agent of the United 
States who was employed to visit Hungary during the recent war 
between that country and Austria, and of the correspondence by 
and with such agent, so far as the publication of the same may be 
Gonsistant with the public interest, I herewith transmit to the Sen- 
ate a copy of the instruction to A. Dudley Mann, Esq., relating to 
Hungary, he having been appointed by me special agent, to that 
country on the 18th day of June last, together with a copy of the 
-correspondence with our late charge d'affaires to Austria, referred 
to in those instructions, and of other papers disclosing the policy of 
this Government in reference to Hungary and her people. I also 
transmit, in compliance with the resolution of the Senate, but in a 
separate packet, a copy of the correspondence of Mr. Mann with the 
Department of State. 

The latter I have caused to be marked " Executive," the informa- 
tion contained in it being such as will be found, on examination, 
most appropriately to belong to the Senate in the exercise of its 
executive functions. The publication of this correspondence of the 
agent sent by me to Hungary is a matter referred entirely to the 
judgment and discretion of the Senate. 

3 



4 AFFAIES OP HUITGAEY, 1849-1850. 

It will be seen by the dociiment.s now transmitted that no minister 
or agent was accredited by the Government of Hungary to this 
Government at any period since I came into office, nor was any 
communication ever received by this Government from the minister 
of foreign affairs of Hungary, or of any other executive officer au- 
thorized to act in her behalf. 

My purpose, as freely avowed in this correspondence, was to have 
acknowledged the independence of Hungary had she succeeded in 
establishing a government de facto on a basis sufficiently joerma- 
nent in its character to have justified me in doing so, according to 
the usages and settled principles of this Government, and although 
she is now fallen, and many of her gallant patriots are in exile or in 
chains, I am free still to declare that had she been successful in 
the maintenance of such a government as we could have recognized 
we should have been the first to welcome her into the family of 
nations. 

Z. Taylor. 



Secretary Laiising to Senator Lodge. 

DepartmejNt or State, 
Washington}., Seytcinber 10, 1918. 
Hon. H. C. Lodge, 

United States Senate. 

My Dear Sexator: It gives me pleasure to send to you herewith 
copies of the papers regarding Hungarian affairs requested in your 
letter to me of February 15 last. These papers are : 

Confidential instruction from Mr. Clayton, Secretar}^ of State, 
to A. Dudley Mann, special and confidential agent of the United 
States to Hungary, dated June 18, 1849. 

Farewell address delivered by Kossuth to Hungary on August 15, 
1849. 

Dispatch No. 6 of August 28, 1849, from Mr. Mann to the Secre- 
tary of State. 

Dispatch No. 10 of September 23, 1849. from Mr. Mann to the 
Secretary of State. 

Dispatch No. 11 of September 24, 1849, from Mr. Mann to the 
Secretary of State. 

Extract fro]]i dispatch No. 15 of November, 1849. from Mr. Mann. 

Dispatch No. 16 of October 29, 1849, from JNlr. Mann to the Secre- 
tary of State. 

Communication from Mr. Mann to Secretary of State, dated 
November 1, 1849. 

Dispatch No. 17 of November 8, 1849, from Mr. Mann. 

Dispatch No. 20 of November 29, 1849, from Mr. Mann. 

Dispatch No, 21 of December 13, 1849, from Mr. Mann to the 
Secretary of State. 

I am, mj dear Senator Lodge, 
Sincerely, yours, 

Robert Lansing. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 184^1850. 5 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Conflclcntial.] 

Department of State, 

Washington^ June 18, 184-9. 
A. Dudley Mann, Esq. 

(Appointed special and confidential agent of the 

United States to Hungary, now in Paris) . 

Sir: The President, reposing perfect confidence in your ability, 
integrity, and prudence, has selected you for an important trust ; and 
hopes that you will accept the confidential appointment now offered 
and lose no time, after the receipt of this notice of his wishes, in 
proceeding to Hungary in the discharge of the duties committed 
to you by him. 

It will be proper for you, in the first place, to repair to Vienna 
and to confer with Mr. Stiles upon the subject of 3^our mission and 
upon the best method of accomplishing its object secretly and with 
dispatch. Mr. Stiles's intelligence and experience niaj^ be useful, and 
you may, if jon think proper, avail yourself of his counsel and aid. 
The principal object the President has in view is to obtain minute 
and reliable information in regard to Hungary in connection with 
the affairs of adjoining countries, the probable issue of the present 
revolutionary movements, and the chances we may have of forming 
commercial arrangements with that power favorable to the United 
States. 

The eventful scenes which convulse Europe have been watched 
from their commencement with close attention by the Government 
and people of the United States; and among them (as not the least 
interesting) the existing struggle between Austria and her ancient 
dependency, Hungary. In this desperate conflict Eussia has chosen 
to assume an attitude of interference, and her immense preparations 
for invading and reducing the Hungarians to the iron rule of Aus- 
tria, from which they * * * desire to be released, give so seri- 
ous a character to the contest as to awaken the most painful solici- 
tude in the minds of Americans. This anxiety is natural on our 
part and is by no means inconsistent with the well-known and long- 
established policy of noninterference in the domestic concerns of 
other nations Avhich has ever animated and governed the councils 
and conduct of the American Government. If it shall appear that 
Hungary is able to maintain the independence she has declared we 
desire to be the very first to congratulate her and to hail with a hearty 
welcome her entrance into the family circle of nations. But the pros- 
pect, I fear, is a gloomy one at present. If you shall think so your- 
self, prudence will suggest to you the importance of suspending your 
operations, and circumstances may be such as to make it safer for 
you not to proceed to Hungary at all. Of this you are to judge. 

The great changes that have already occurred, and the still greater 
which may be confidently expected to take place in European politi- 
cal systems are so intimately connected with probable revolutions 
in their commercial plans and prospects that it is impossible for us 
to look on as unconcerned spectators. We have important interests 



6 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

at stake in the movements of Europe, and it is our duty to watch over 
those interests with a wise vigilance and to stand prepared to take 
advantage of every opening occasion which may be presented to se- 
cure or to improve friendly and useful relations with Governments 
likely to become instituted as well as with those that are already 
established. Peace and commerce are the noble aims of our happy 
land. The former, by God's blessing, we enjoy. Let us omit no 
exertions to secure the most liberal and beneficial extension of the 
latter. Hungary to us has been hitherto a comparatively unknown 
region. She may succeed in placing her independence upon an im- 
movable basis and become classed among the important commercial 
nations of the world. Our best wishes attend her. 

Since the revolution of March, 1848, Hungary has constituted her- 
self into a power separate and independent of the Austrian Empire 
and has created a provisional government at the head of which Kos- 
suth has been placed. The early efforts of this illustrious man to 
effect reforms and to ameliorate the condition of his .countrymen, to 
redress grievances, to free the press from an intolerable censorship, 
to extend taxation to the privileged classes, to elevate from extreme 
wretchedness the yeomanry of his country, and to promote other 
great measures for the good of his fellow countrymen deserve and 
command our admiration. But a policy of immobility, backed by 
the bayonet, was successfully opposed to the stirring spirit of dis- 
content and insurrection, and the national movement, which was sus- 
tained by the energy and public spirit of the Magyars, received no 
signal impulse until the expulsion of Metternich, an event which left 
them free to choose their own ministers and accelerated the course of 
reform and revolution. In vain, against the seemingly irresistible 
might of Austria, had Hungary appealed to Paris and to Frankfort. 

At this critical moment an interesting application was indirectly 
made, on the part of Kossuth, to induce Mr. Stiles, our charge 
d'affaires at Vienna, to undertake an intervention of the settlement 
of the differences, between Hungary and the Imperial Government. 
The nature of this application and its results will be seen by you 
among the files of the legation at Vienna, which the charge will open 
for your inspection, if you wish it, in reference to this particular 
matter, as well as in respect to all other questions of interest which 
concern Hungarian affairs and the objects of your proposed visit 
to that country. 

The inifortunate result of the application alluded to plainly 
showed that the door of reconciliation was closed, and that all ques- 
tions and issues were to be determined on the battle field. And, 
in the meantime, the sudden abdication of the late Emperor and the 
elevation of his siiccessoi- have been followed by a train of events as 
striking as they were unexpected. The Hungarians at first sank be- 
neath the stroke of the invader. The tables shortly became changed. 
And now the tide of invasion has been rolled back until it threatens 
to overwhelm the Austrian Empire, in which the nationality of Hun- 
gary had been so long merged. 

To the contemplation of the American statesman. Hungary at this 
time offers the interesting spectacle of a great people rising superior 
to the enormous oppression which has so long weighed her down. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 7 

and she exhibits at the same time the determination and the power 
(we hope) to assert and maintain her separate and equal station 
among the powers of the earth. She is now described to us by those 
who profess to understand her position as the representative of 
republicanism and of liberal principles. Her geographical extent 
and situation and her population, productions, and mineral wealth 
•constitute resources whose development would speedily follow her 
successful struggle for independence. In this case new commercial 
prospects would be unfolded, and the port of Fiume, in the Adriatic 
her only seaport, would become unlocked and opened to admit the 
navigation and staples of the United States. 

The object of the President, as I have said, is to obtain informa- 
tion in regard to Hungary and her resources and prospects with a 
view to an early recognition of her independence and the formation 
of commercial relations with her. Your large experience in Eu- 
ropean affairs and the eminent ability which distinguishes your 
correspondence with this department inspire the President with 
great confidence in your opinions. And for that reason he feels nof 
reluctance in leaving these delicate and important duties almost 
wholly to your own discretion and prudence. You will decide upon 
your own movements and places of destination, as well as upon the 
particular points of inquiry to which you will direct attention, upon 
the proper mode of approaching Mr. Kossuth and his confidential 
advisors, and upon the communications which you may deem it 
proper to make to them on the part of your Government. Future 
instructions to you will depend in a great degree upon the reports 
and representations which you may from time to time communicate 
to this department. 

In the meanwhile I transmit herewith a sealed letter introducing 
you in your official character to the minister of foreign affairs of 
Hungary and an open copy of the same, which you will be at liberty 
to deliver or to withhold as under circumstances you may deem 
proper and expedient. Before you can reach Pesth or the seat of the 
provisional government of Hungary, wherever that may be, the 
whole scene may be changed, and it may even become improper for 
you to make any demonstration. In this case, and indeed in all other 
€ases, you will be governed by your own good judgment and by 
circumstances. You may find it better and safer not to trust the com- 
munications you may desire to make to your Government to the in- 
securit}' of the public mail or to such modes of conveyance as may be 
within your reach, but to await your return to western Europe. If 
any advantage is offered by the use of the cipher, Mr. Stiles will fur- 
nish you with a cop}^ of that which is in the legation at Vienna, and 
will explain it to you. 

As the service to which you are assigned is important and may pos- 
sibly be one of some peril, your compensation will be at the rate of 
$10 a day, counting from the time of your receiving these instruc- 
tions, provided you proceed upon the business of your mission within 
a week from that day ; in addition to which your traveling and other 
necessary personal expenses during your absence and until your re- 
turn to Paris will be allowed you. You will keep a strict account of 
your expenses actually incurred and take vouchers as usual in all 



8 AFFAIRS OF HUNGABY, 1849-1850. 

cases where they can be obtained. A letter of credit on Messrs. Bar- 
ing Bros. & Co., bankers of the United States in London, requesting- 
them to honor your drafts to an amount not exceeding $1,000, is 
herewith inclosed, as an advance upon account. 

Without intending to limit you, it is presumed that four or five 
months will be sufficient for effecting the objects in view and to 
enable you to gather and prepare the desired information. You may, 
perhaps, see fit to repair to Fiume in the course or toward the close of 
your journey. And if you should deem it advisable afterwards to 
visit Tuscany and other portions of Italy in pursuit of commercial 
objects and inquiries, future instructions on the subject may be sent 
to you upon an intimation from you to that effect to visit the grand 
duke, who, it is understood, would be well disposed to treat with us 
on terms highly advantageous, and to which terms we might subse- 
quently commit the rest of the Italian States. If it be determined 
to instruct you to visit Italy for these objects, the term of your 
mission will be extended according to the necessity of the case, of 
which you will advise the department. 

I have received and read with profit and with satisfaction the 
dispatch you did me the favor to address to me on the 10th ultimx), 
at my request, through Mr. Robertson ; and I anticipate with pleasure 
further connnunications from you in relation to our commercial inter- 
ests and the general condition of political affairs in Europe. Any 
suggestions from you in regard to the former will be most welcome 
and will receive my respectful and attentive consideration. After 
your mission to Hungary is closed and that to Italy, if this last shall 
be decided upon, it is possible that the President may desire to avail 
himself of your services in other quarters. At this moment the sub- 
ject of the navigation laws of England, among others, engages my 
closest attention, and I hope to derive light from your own views in 
regard thereto as you may be pleased to present them to this depart- 
ment. 

You will furnish the department with a copy of the new constitu- 
tion, if any shall have been formed, of Hungary, and acquaint us 
with its operation, and whether any and what other nations shall 
have recognized the independence of Hungary, or intend to do so. 
Should the new Government prove to be in your opinion firm and 
stable, the President will cheerfully recommend to Congress at their 
next session the recognition of Hungary ; and you might intimate, if 
you should see fit, that the President would in that event be gratified 
to receive a diplomatic agent from Hungary in the United States by 
or before the next meeting of Cx)ngress, and that he entertains no 
doubt whatever that in case her new Government should prove to be 
firm and stable her independence would be speedily recognized by 
that enlightened body. 

I transmit herewith full powers for concluding a commercial con- 
vention, if it shall be practicable to form one, conformably with the 
foregoing instructions. 

I am, sir, respectfully, 

1 our obedient servant, 

John M. Clayton. 



APPAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 9 

EXECUTIVE. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretai'^ of -^tate. 

[Extracts.] 

No. 1.] Paris, July 13, 18Jf9. 

Sir: My appointment, instructions, and the other documents 
transmitted therewith reached the legation of the United States 
in this city yesterday, having been forwarded through the post- 
office at London on the 11th. 

I enter immediately upon the discharge of the delicate duties 
with which I have been so confidingl}^ intrusted, and with emotions 
of gratitude to the President and yourself which language can not 
adequately describe. 

The realization of the favorable opinoins entertained by the de- 
partment of my capacity and disposition to be useful to my country 
shall be my unceasing care during the continuance of my mission. 

I feel, indeed, more than ever confident that the highest of all na- 
tional destinies awaits our Union when I perceive its affairs adminis- 
tered by statesmen acting in that sense of patriotism which has been 
manifested in the selection for public employment of myself — a citi- 
zen unknown to them personally and who was no applicant for office. 
My fitness for so important a position — a know^ledge of which, as 
I am advised, was derived almost exclusively from my correspond- 
ence in the archives of the department — may have been overesti- 
mated; but the moti^'e which influenced the choice was as pure as 
the noblest emanations of executive justice which proceeded from 
the heart of Washington. 

I shall hasten to Vienna by the most expeditious conveyance, 
where I will determine upon my future movements. I shall be pre- 
parted to start in three or four days. 

Gen. Lamoriciere is about to leave here on a special mission to 
St. Petersburg. He was, as you are perhaps aware, until his recent 
election a modere, but it is believed that he inclines more, at present, 
to Thiers and nionarchie than to Cavaignac and la republique des 
honnetes gens. He will be met by the Emperor of Russia, who, after 
having declared Poland to be in a state of siege, returns to his capitol. 
It is feared that the restoration of the throne of France is seriously 
in contemplation ; and it is supposed that negotiations are in progress 
for placing the crown upon the head of Louis Napoleon, with the 
assent of Orleanists and Legitimists, under the guaranty of the 
partitioning allies of 1772. 

The question whether continental Europe shall be under Cossack 
or republican rule hereafter will, in all probability, be definitely de- 
cided on the plains or in the passes of Hungary. Should Kossuth 
fail in the consummation of his purpose, the yoke of despotism would 
doubtless become almost as galling to the governed in eastern, cen- 
tral, and western continental Europe as it is to those of the " colossal 
Empire " of the north. But little better than an actual state of siege 
would exist from the Black Sea to the British Channel and from the 
Mediterranean to the Baltic. The sword would enforce obedience to 



10 AFFAIRS OP HUFGAEY, 1849-1850. 

law, and laAV would wrest the last cup of nourishment from the indus- 
trial pursuits for the sustenance of the sword. Apart from the sym- 
pathies, cherished by our generous institutions, which we entertain 
for the oppressed of all nations, European questions would then 
assume an American importance — commercially, if not politically — 
not known since the adoption of the Constitution. 

If Hungary, liowever, should sustain herself against the united 
imperial forces, the prestige of the Czar would be impaired to such a 
degree that Russia could no longer excite terror in other States, and 
the dismemberment of Austria and the reestablishment of Italian 
notionality would speedily ensue. 

What exciting, what sublime or appalling, spectacles may I not be 
permitted to witness on the banks of the Danube ! I am distinctly to 
behold kindred spirits in the great cause of humanity and rational 
libertj^ triumphing over an unequal and unnatural enemy or their 
death struggle. My trust, however, is, and will continue to be to the 
last, that the sacred adage — the battle is not to the strong — ^may be 
literally verified in the instance of the indomitable Magyars; and I 
shall desire no joy of a more boundless nature during my pilgrimage 
through life than to be enabled to report to you that " Hungary has 
established her independence on a permanent foundation; that I 
saw the infant Hercules strangle the mighty serpent." 
I have the honor to be, 

A. Dudley Mann. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extracts.] 

No. 2.] Berlin, July ^<§, 18^9. 

Sir: Shortly after my arrival at this metropolis on the 26th I 
concluded not to proceed on my journey to the east until to-night, 
in order, during the delaj^, to transmit to you such useful information 
as I might be enabled to obtain from authentic sources of the con- 
dition of affairs in Hungary. 

I forward hercAvith a literal translation of the proclamation of the 
Austrian Gen. Haynau upon the occasion of his entering Pesth. 
The ferocious sentiments therein expressed are disgraceful to their 
author and to the allied powers. The threats uttered to the gentler 
sex can not fail to ])rovoke the universal indignation of enlightened 
humanity. Christianity will weep that a spirit so fiendish should 
manifest itself in a nation professing to recognize the ruling prin- 
ciples of civilization. 

The members of the provisional government of Hungary, after 
quitting Pesth, repaired to Szegedin on the lower Theiss. Kossuth, 
when last heard froin, was at Peterwardein, where he will probably 
be joined by his ministers. 

The eifective force of the imperialists in Hungary is about 350,000 
men. The army of the Czar in the north numbers' 150,000 men, and 
80,000 more are reported to be on their march across the Carpathians 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 11 

to unite with it. The Austrian corps, too, are receiving additional 
strength from Bohemia and elsewhere. I shall, perhaps, not over- 
estimate the munber if I state that by the middle of August the 
troops of the Emperor will amount to 500,000. To meet this immense 
invasion Hungarv had not, two weeks ago, more than 250,000 men 
in actual service. A new impulse, however, has just been given to 
the cause of liberty and independence. The powerful appeals of 
Kossuth to his countrymen have not been made in vain. All classes 
are at length awakened to a sense of their country's wrongs and are 
courageously hastening to the defense of the national bgmner. The 
brutal purposes avowed b.y Haynau have stimulated woman to depart 
from her natural sphere and arm for action. It is reported that 
thousands of females are marching side by side with their husbands, 
brothers, and sons to enter the army, desiring a glorious death rather 
than submit to ignominious servitude. 

The autocrat, in espousing the hopeless cause of the youthful 
Emperor, reserved to himself the right of arranging the plan of war- 
fare to be observed by the invading army. This plan, it is under- 
stood, was perfected by the advice and with the entire approval of 
the most eminent captains within the embraces of the two Empires. 
It was considered so complete, even in its minutest details, as to be 
easy of immediate execution. In conformity therewith the allied 
forces were formed into four grand corps d'armee, which were sub- 
sequently subdivided. These were to enter, as nearly as possible, the 
geographical divisions of Hungary, and to advance in such order as 
to cause them to arrive at the same time at the center. By this 
intended concentration of vastly superior strength the " insurgents " 
were to be surrounded and the " insurrection " stifled. But the east- 
ern division has not yet succeeded in advancing in the direction of 
the west nor the western division in the direction of the east, while 
the space between the Prince Paskiewitsch and the Ban Jellachich 
remains as wide as at the commencement of operations. The latter 
commander, in fact, has experienced severe disasters in battle and has 
written from Euma, in Slavonia, to the Emperor of Austria to say 
that unless he speedily receives considerable reinforcements he would 
inevitably be cut into pieces. Lieut. Gen. Grotenhielm is said to be 
marching to his succor from Bistritz — the headquarters of the Kus- 
sians in the east — and Haynau and Nugent from the north and west; 
but whether any of them will succeed in opening a way. to him is 
considered quite doubtful. 

The autocrat has unquestionably signally failed in the consumma- 
tion of his original plan, and in the stupendous faihire, as might have 
been expected, the tower of strength contained in his name has been 
weakened. That he entertains painful apprehensions of the result is 
generally believed. That he would gladly return to the neutral 
ground which he occupied on the 1st of March, with his dazzling 
prestige untarnished, is very certain. It would be idle in me to offer 
you predictions upon the final issue of the contest, so energetically 
and desperately prosecuted by one of the belligerents and so judi- 
• ciously and patriotically resisted by the other. The strength, for an 
open field fight, is decidedly on the side of the imperialists, while 
skill and invincibleness are as certainly with the Magyars. Kossuth's 
plans, if I fully comprehendecl them, have been admirably conceived. 



12 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

His sagacious mind distinctly perceived from the first that the only- 
hope of saving his country from so formidable a foe was that of forti- 
fying himself strongly in the extreme south. Accordingly his ener- 
gies are now directed to this end. Peterwardein is located on the 
right bank of the Danube, nearly opposite the mouth of the Theiss, 
and within a few miles of the Turkish frontier. The fort there, one 
of the strongest in the military boundary, has withstood the repeated 
attacks of Jellachich. Its position is so commanding that it was a 
primary object with the imperialists to obtain possession of it. In 
its froiit, with the exception of the angle at the junction of the Dan- 
ube and Theiss, the country for a considerable distance is marshy and 
after the yearly autumnal rains can not be penetrated by heavy 
troops. Paskiewitsch, at the last dates, was at Miskolez, a distance 
of about 225 miles from Peterwardein. The army of Gorgey is in the 
same region, while that of Dembinski is not very far off, but east of 
it. Neither of the Hungarian commanders are disposed to engage in 
battle with the main army of Eussia, for they would risk too much 
by such a procedure. They employ themselves in endeavoring to 
intercept reinforcements and in preventing supplies for subsistence, 
occasionally giving indications that they are preparing for a conflict. 
In this manner Paskiewitsch is forced to suspend his movements to 
the south, while time is afforded to Kossuth to perfect his arrange- 
ments. If* Gorgey should succeed with Deml3inski in detaining- 
Paskiewitsch in the north until the middle of September, this year's 
campaign would result most adversely to Russia and Austria, and 
hostilities would cease. The Hungarians would retire to the angle 
which I have mentioned, where, with ample stores, they could remain 
secure until May, while the Cossacks would be in but little better con- 
dition than the French were under Napoleon in Russia, were they to 
remain in the country. Under this view of the subject the destiny of 
Hungary will be determined at latest by the 1st of December. 

The autocrat arrived on the 25th instant at AVarsaw from St. 
Petersburg. He is fully sensible of the value of the stake for which 
he plays. If he lose, the retrogradation of his policy and his princi- 
ples can not fail to be more rapid than was the rise of his Empire to 
its present colossal stature. 

Mr. Bodisco, the Russian minister to the United States, is here 
and staying at the same hotel at which I took apartments. The 
autocrat, I am informed, has given orders to his representatives 
abroad to exercise the utmost vigilance with respect to the passports 
of Americans when presented for a vise. He denounces in the most 
vehement terms all republican institutions — attributing the exten- 
sion of liberal principles in Europe, and justly, to American example 
and influence. 

The accounts from Milan represent that the recommencement of 
hostilities by Austria against Piedmont is likely to occur immediately. 
Radetzki has made a categorical demand of the government of Pied- 
mont for a compliance with the peace conditions which he projjosed 
at the time of the armistice; and states that in the event of a refusal 
he is prepared to enforce them. It will be recollected that the money 
which was employed in fitting out the French expedition to Rome 
was appropriated })y the constituent assembly expressly for the pur- 
pose of protecting, physically, Piedmont against unjust exactions 
shoidd Austria be disposed to make them. Will France, now that 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 13 

the contiiigenc}^ has happened which was provided for, have recourse 
to an armed intervention? I question it very much. There, is not, 
in my opinion, a solitary idea fostered by the ministers of Louis 
Napoleon and the majority of the legislative assembly but that which 
has for its object the creation of an Emperor and the establishment 
of an Empire. If Hungary should be crushed I am quite confident 
that the restoration of monarchy would be attempted, and if suc- 
cessfully, the crown would be placed upon the head of the President 
of the Kepublic regardless of the solemn oath to his God to be true 
to the constitution ! 

I have not yet had sufficient leisure to call upon Mr. Hannegan, 
our minister, nor have I seen Mi\ Bodisco. 

I have the honor to be, faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Makn. 



PROCLAMATION OF THE MASTER OF THE ORDNANCE HAYNAU. 

To the inhabitants of Of en and Pesth: , 

After a number of victories which the imperial royal arms, engaged 
in a just cause, have obtained over those of the traitors, we are again 
among you ; Austria's old banners are again floating above your 
battlements. But a change has taken place in our feelings since we 
left you a short time ago. Actuated by your conduct toward us, 
we Mould have then reposed confidence in you, notwithstanding 
your former outrages, and would have considered you incapable 
of ever again arraying yourselves faithlessly against us as enemies. 
You have, with the exception of a few, bitterly deceived us, and we 
can therefore scarceh^ credit the assurances of your peaceful inten- 
tions. Altliough the greater majority of you are Germans b}^ lan- 
guage and by habit, yet, led on by a rascally hero of words, you have 
participated in the chimerical project of forming a Hungarian 
Eepublic. A part of the blood of the noble Kentzi and of his brave 
companions in arms falls upon your heads. You helped to stir up 
the fanatic fire which consumed him in his loyalty toward his 
Emperor. You have persecuted your well-intentioned fellow- 
citizens, and many of them, together with soldiers of the Emperor 
who had fallen into your hands, you shamefully murdered. 

I might avenge them by the destruction of yourselves and of 
your cities, but 1 conform to the magnanimity of my Emperor and 
master; hearken, however, to the voice of an old soldier, who has 
shown how he keeps his word. Death will be visited, without regard 
to condition or sex, without delay, and on the spot where the deed, is 
committed. Upon every one: (1) Who attempts to assist the cause 
of the rebels by word or deed, or by wearing revolutionary emblems ; 
(2) who dares to insult, by word or deed, one of my soldiers, or one 
of the soldiers of my brave allies; (3) who enters into treasonable 
connections with the enemies of the Crown, and who attempts to 
kindle the spark of rebellion by malignant reports; (4) who dares 
to secrete arms, as was unfortunately formerly the case, and does not 
deliver them during the space of time appointed by another procla- 
mation of mine. But, on the other hand, I promise my protection 
to the well-intentioned citizen who freely exposes his honest way of 



14 APPAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

thinking, to the peaceful peasant and to their property, and oui' 
good Emperor and master will relieve tlie heavy burden which these 
times, so pregnant with important events, has imposed upon them. 

Hayxau. 
Pesth, July 19, 18Jf9. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

No. 3.] Vienna, Augu.^t 8, 1849. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, W ashington. 

Sir : The opinions which I expressed in my No. 2, written at Berlin 
on the 28th, respecting the failure of the military plans of the Czar 
for speedily obliterating the nationality of Hungar}'^, are now sub- 
stantially confirmed. The Magyars have again been eminently vic- 
torious in the west, within 80 miles of this place — in the very region 
where the Imperialists considered themselves most secure. 

When Gorgey performed the daring exploit of hewing with his 
sword a passage through the solid mass of invading troops in his 
march to the north, it was generally believed that but a small number 
of men were left behind him for the defense of Komorn. This im- 
pression, in the absence of any information on the subject, was the 
more reasonable, inasmuch as Komorn from its strength and location 
was easy of protection, while a large army would necessarily rapidly 
consume its supplies without accomplishing any valuable end. An 
attempt at the storming of this fortress, as desirable as was the pos- 
session of it, seems not to have been contemplated. It was to be re- 
duced to capitulation by siege, and accordingly it was beleaguered as 
was confidently believed, by an adequate force for the prevention of 
communication between it and the adjacent country. But, when 
least expected, about 20,000 Magyars issued from it, attacked the be- 
siegers, put those who were not left upon the field to flight, captured 
Raab, a large town in the vicinity, took possession of 1,000 oxen be- 
longing to the enemy, and other articles of subsistence, together with 
arms, ammunition, etc. The result of this brilliant achievement, 
this masterly ruse de guerre, casts for the moment an indescribable 
gloom over the imperial cause. It is even apprehended, such is the 
existing terror inspired by the name of Gorgey, that a descent will 
be made upon Vienna. Komorn, I may remark, bears the appella- 
tion of " Virgin Fortress," from the circumstance of its never having 
surrendered. It is situated at the lower extremity of Great Schiitt 
Island, about midway between Presburg and Pesth, and commands 
the Danube at that point. It is to the west what Peterwardein is ta 
the south, and the acquisition of such vast supplies so late in the 
season places it, in all probability, beyond the conquest of the invaders 
during the year's campaign. 

The Vienna journals, without an exception, have from the com- 
mencement understated the magnitude of the disasters experienced 
by the Imperialists and misrepresented the nature of operations gen- 
erally in Hungary. None of the reports published over the signatures 
of imperial officers are full and explicit. The authors of them appear 
to have studiously endeavored, by ambiguous expressions, to veil 



AFFAIES OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 15 

important facts from public vision. The Presse, in its leader of yes- 
terday, speaks distinctly enough concerning the victory at Komorn. 
''^ The most disagreeable intelligence which we have yet received from 
Hungary," it remarks, " is contained in an extra of the ' Vienna Ga- 
zette ' of yesterday evening, to the eifect that a corps d'armee of the 
Magyars suddenly marched from Komorn, commenced operations in 
the open field, surprised Gonyo, and is said to have captured Raab, 
and to have driven our troops back upon Wesselburg. It appears 
that the garrison of Komorn was much stronger than Haynau sup- 
posed it to be * '"■' ■ * It is difficult to comprehend how the 
commanding general of an army should have been so destitute of 
correct information with regard to the strength of his enemy, even if 
withdrawn from his immediate observation by the ramparts of a 
fortress, as was the case in this instance. * * -" With respect to 
the operations of the imperial Eussian troops we think that more 
concentration and combination with the movements of our own 
were necessary in the interest of success. In our opinion, General 
Haynau should not have thought of hurrying off to assist the Ban 
in the south before he prevented Gorgey, cost what it might, from 
breaking through the ranks of the Russians or rather from crossing 
the numerous Russian corps stationed (echellones) here and there 
along the banks of the Theiss to the astonishment of the military 
world. Yes, the best plan was, perhaps, for General Field Marshal 
Paskiewitch to have undertaken the operations toward the south and 
for Haynau to have confined himself to the continuance of hostilities 
before Komorn, and to the protection of the metropolis. It was the 
duty of the latter to make propositions and offers to this effect. He 
had the power to do so through the minstry. A plan of coopera- 
tion well traced and carried out with ener^fy by both parties might 
have prevented what has happened." 

The sentiments and views thus expressed are doubtless those enter- 
tained by the Austrian Government as they assuredly are those of 
intelligent individuals in private circles. The Presse, it is true, is not 
the organ of the ministry, but, nevertheless, it would not, with the 
restraints upon its freedom, venture to give utterance to opinions 
upon such a delicate subject, at so momentous a period, which were 
not strictly in accordance with the opinions of the cabinet. If I am 
correct in this supposition, there is virtually a condemnation on the 
part of Austria of the plans under which the operations of the in- 
vading forces have been conducted, and the Czar is chargeable with 
the blunders which have been committed, as well as reproachable for 
the inefficiency of his 100,000 soldiers (under the command of Prince 
Paskiewitch), "to the astonishment of the military world" in inter- 
fering with the movements of Gorgey. It is more than insinuated 
that the ordinary fortunes of war, in view of the concentration of 
such an immense number of heavy and thoroughly disciplined troops 
m a comparatively^ small space, have had no hand in the repeated 
reverses of the invaders. It is even whispered that Nicholas is acting 
faithlessly with his engagements to Francis Joseph. That he has de- 
luded him by false professions in order the more surely to effectuate 
the definitive and early dismemberment of his Empire. That his 
overt design is the extension of his embraces to the 16,000,000 in- 
habitants of the Slavic race within the confines of Austria. And that 



16 AEPAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

this purpose could not be perfected if he were to succeed in win- 
ning back Hungary to the House of Hapsburg Lorraine. 

I give no indulgence to such notions as those which attribute the 
discomfiture of the imperial arms to the treachery of the autocrat. 
On the contrary. I am quite convinced that a more resolute, a more 
ferocious, a more positive life or death war never was waged than 
that waged by Russia against the Magyars, and I am not sufficiently 
charitable to cover the disgrace attendant upon the prosecution of it 
with the alleged perfidy of Nicholas. Were I disposed to take this 
view of the matter I should be deplorably wanting in justice to that 
more than Spartan people, whose prowess, whose skill, whose patriot- 
ism, and whose indomitable enery mause rational liberty in con- 
tinental Europe to smile and to hope and despotism to frown and to 
despond. 

That the aggrandizement of Sclavic territory and the subsequent 
practical establishment of Pansclavism are important considera- 
tions with the Czar can scarcely be questioned. The Sclavic popula- 
tion in Austria perceive daj^ by day additional beauties in the tenets 
of civilizaton, and, in fact, may be considered as making rapid 
advances in the line of intellectual progress. If the spirit which 
prompts inquiry for truth and light be not subdued, it will, imper- 
ceptibly, force its way to the more benighted Sclaves in the very 
hear of Eussia and endanger, if not undermine, the colossal throne. 
It is natural to presume that the autocrat is desirous of fortifying 
himself against the threatening peril, and that no alternative is left 
him but to endeavor to shut out the rays of knowledge proceeding 
from the more enlightened States which penetrate and expand the 
Sclavic mind. 

But Nicholas in his unbridled ambition has aspirations, I fear, 
which stretch far beyond the frontiers of Austria and the taming 
of the Sclaves to bondage. Were he influenced exclusively by a 
laudable observance of nature's first law, cruel as his system, his 
aggressions, however they might shock the senses, would not amount 
to flagrant outrages on humanity. Peter the Great, in order to stimu- 
late his successors to a faithful execution of the principles of unlimited 
absolutism, and to deeds of rapacity upon feebler States, bequeathed 
them as a legacy the following words: 

I found Russia a rivulot ; I leave it a river. ]\I.v successors will luake it a 
great ocean, destined to fertilize Europe. 

In the face of all that is transpiring on the Continent, there is 
something startling to a votary of liberty in this remarkable prophecy 
of a century and a half ago — ^i^ealized as it has been in part by an 
augumentation of the "river " to an oceanlike magnitude. There are 
many melancholy evidences that the remainder of it is in the course 
of fulfillment. I shall not exaggerate when I state that at this 
moment millions of the friends of monarchical government in France, 
Germany, and elsewhere are advocating the Russian system, the in- 
terminable-siege system, the bayonet-ruling system; thus desiring 
the immediate fertilization of Europe by the creation of such an ocean 
as was contemplated by the first " Emperor of all the Russias." 
The Czar is encouraged to persevere, finding allies in powers and 
sympathies with people who, until recently, regarded him as their 
natural and unrelenting enemy. That the Government of France is 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 184^1850. 17 

prepared to adopt his policy in its extreme rigor, in many respects, 
I have all along believed since the intervention at Eome. This is 
now pretty distinctly foreshadowed in a Vienna journal of to-day. 
It says: 

It is a fact worthy of remark that Prince Schwartzenberg arrived at Warsaw 
nearly simultaneously with Lamorciere, minister of the French Republic. 
The first meeting of the representative of a State which forms the incarnate 
principle of revolution with a man who in his person concentrates the strict 
monarchical system must be a singular one. The French volcano is certainly 
nearly extinguished, and, from a report wiiich has been circulating for some 
time in diplomatic circles, it is more than probable that the entente-cordiale 
which now exists between the cabinets of St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Paris 
may be the origin of a closer alliance. The most important interests of those 
powers are confined to Germany, the land of the songster, who, according to his 
song, "Was ist das Deutschen vaterland?" is in search of his country. 

If the "closer alliance " be perfected, Germany will cease to exist 
even in name. A liberty stifling Prussia will be made more potent 
for evil by the absorption of the other and more generous States. 
This accomplished, Fra;ice, Austria, and Prussia, as far as concerns 
the performance of a conspicuous part in the affairs of the world, 
will be as powerless as pilot boats in tow of a 120-gun ship. 

All now depends on Hungary, and, notwithstanding her recent 
glorious victories, it is expecting almost too much — if to,o much can 
be expected (particularly after a recurrence to the history of our own 
struggles) of a magnanimous people resolved upon absolving their 
allegiance to an oppressive crown— to calculate on their overcoming 
the odds arrayed against them. 

Peace has just been definitely ratified between Austria and Sardinia, 
and a considerable part of the army of Radetzky is to be forthwith 
transferred to Hungary, which will increase the chances in favor of 
the invaders. In three months, if the Magyars can hold out so long, 
the contest will assume an aspect adverse to their enemies. A 
second year's invading campaign could not, it is supposed, be under- 
taken. Neither the finances of Austria nor of Russia will admit of it ; 
nor can either contract loans, if this year's operations terminate unsuc- 
cessfully. The currency of the former at present is 20 per cent below 
par, with a downward tendency. Under such circumstances, and with 
an overwhelming public debt that may possibly be dishonored, bor- 
rowing is out of the question. Moreover, if Hungary be not con- 
quered before winter. Great Britain, and perhaps other powers, will 
recognize her; while the people of France and Germany will make 
such a demonstration of their sympathies as will upset the Govern- 
ments of Paris, Berlin, etc., if they continue to look on the cause of 
the Magyars with indifference. Again, the Croats may desert the 
standard of their leader, of which there are indications. It is ru- 
mored that they have refused to accept the imperial constitution of 
the 4th of March, in conformity with a proclamation of the Ban. 
Bosnia, too, is represented to be in a state of intestine commotion, 
dissatisfied with the Pacha. This may operate to the advantage of 
the Magyars by strengthening their position back of Peterwadein, 

Great Britain has a paramount interest, commercial and political, 
in the success of the Hungarian cause. She seems not to have 
awakened to a sense of it, however, until just before the adjournment 
of Parliament. It is believed that she is now endeavoring to nego- 

S. Doc. 282, 65-2 2 



18 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 184^1850. 

tiate here and at Warsaw for a suspension of hostilities, and she may 
ppssibly be in communication informally with Kossuth. The Govern- 
ment mistook its policy in not opposing at the first the intervention 
of Eussia, but I will recur to this subject in a future number. 

The Hungarian Government had removed, as represented by the 
last accounts, to Grosswadein, a strong fortification on the left side of 
the Thiess, not far from the center of the territory. Dembinski was 
there with an army of 50,000 men. 

I have not yet examined the correspondence of the legation. 
Mr. Stiles started a few daj^s before my arrival on a tour through 
Tyrol and Switzerland to Paris, and will not return before the 1st of 
September. I arrived on the 30th. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



THE FAREWELL OF LOUIS KOSSUTH TO HUNGARY, 0R80WA, AUGUST 15, 

1849. 

Beloved Motherland, farewell, farewell home of the Magyars ! 
Farewell home of the sorrows I Nevermore shall I see the summits 
of thy mountains; nevermore shall I call Fatherland the country 
where from the breast of my mother I sucked the milk of justice and 
freedom. Wilst thou, dear Fatherland, forgive him who is con- 
demned to wander far from thee because he fought for thy happi- 
ness? Wilst thou forgive me, who can no longer give the name of 
freedom except to that small square of thy soil upon which I am 
kneeling with my family and a few faithful children of great van- 
quished Hungary? 

I gaze upon thee, dear Fatherland, and see thee overwhelmed with 
suffering, I turn my eyes to the future and see nothing but darkness ; 
thy plains are bathed in red blood which ruthless destruction will 
soon have turned to black, as if bringing mourning for the victories 
which thy sons won over the sacreligious foe of thy hallowed soil. 

How many are the grateful hearts which have raised their prayers 
to the throne of the Almighty ! How many the tears that have flown 
to the abyss to evoke the city of hell itself! How much blood has 
been shed to prove that the Magyar loves liis countiy and can die 
for it! 

And yet, beloved Fatherland, thou art a slave. From the bowels 
of thy soil will be drawn the iron with which the shackle all that is 
holy and to aid all that is sacreligious. 

Oh God ! If thou lovest thy people, whom, after so many fights, 
thou allowedst to conquer under Arpad, our heroic forefather, I 
beseech thee, I implore thee, dost not humiliate them ! 

Thou seest, dear Fatherland, I address thee again in these words, 
in tlie abyss of my despair, on the last height of thy land. Forgive 
me, for many of thy sons have shed their blood for thee for my sake. 
That was because I stood as thy champion, because I protected thee 
when on thy brow they wrote in bloody letters "Lost." It is be- 
cause I raised my voice when thou wert told, " Be a slave! " It is 
because I buckled on my sword and took in hand a bloody pen when 



APFAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 19 

they dared to say, " Tliou are no longer a nation in the land of the 
Magyars ! " 

Time hurried on ; fate in the pages of thy history, wrote in yellow 
and black letters " Death ! " It called upon the Colossus of the 
North to affix the seal ; but the red-hot iron from the East will melt 
that seal. 

Dost thou see, O Fatherland, for them who shed so much blood 
there is no compassion for on thy hills made of the bones of thy sons, 
tyranny is slicing its bread. 

' Dost thou see, O Fatherland, the ingrate that thou hast fattened on 
thy abundance, march against thee; he has marched against tliee, 
the traitor to his Fatherland, to achieve they utter destruction. 

But, Oh beloved Fatherland ! thou hast withstood all those, thou 
hast not cursed thj existence, for in thy breast, far above any sor- 
row, hope has built its nest. 

Magyars ! Do not turn from me for at this moment my tears are 
, pouring out for you, and the land under my feet is still named 
Hungary. 

Thou has succumbed, oh, most true of nations ! Thou hast suc- 
cumbed under th}' own blows ! 

Thy grave was not dug by the iron of the enemy foe : thy patriot- 
ism was not awed by the guns of 14 nations lined up against thee. It 
was not the fifteenth nation crossing the Carpathians which com- 
pelled thee to lay down thy arms ; no ; thou wert betraj^'ed, thou were 
sold, O Fatherland ! Thy death warrant was written, oh beloved 
Fatherland, by him whose patriotism I never dared to suspect. 

In the flight of my boldest thoughts, I should have doubted the 
existence of God rather than believed he could ever betray his 
country ! Thou wert betraj^ed by him in whose hands but a few days 
ago I placed the government of our great country, which he swore to 
defend until the last drop of his blood had been shed. He turned 
traitor to his country because the color of gold to him proved more 
attractive than that of blood spilt for the country. The ignoble 
metal was more valuable than his country and his (rod, who forsook 
him, as he himself forsook me for his allies from hell. 

Magyars.' dear compatriots, do not blame me for being compelled 
to cast my eye on that man and yielding my place to him. It had to 
be done, for he had won the confidence of the people ; the army loved 
him, and he had attained the position of which I myself could have 
been proud. And yet, that man has belied the nation's confidence and 
returned hatred for the love of the army. Accursed be the breast 
which, when suckling him, did not wither. 

I love thee, oh the truest of the nations of Europe, as I love liberty, 
for which you waged such a proud fight. The God of liberty will 
never vanish from your memory. May you be blest forever ! 

My principles were not those of Washington, and my deeds were 
not those of William Tell. My wish was for a free nation, free as 
men can only be made by God, and you are dead, dead as is the lily, 
to sprout next year handsomer blossoms ; you are dead, because your 
winter has come; but it will not be as long a winter as that of thy 
associate, overwhelmed by the frozen atmosphere of Siberia. No! 
Fifteen nations have dug thy grave, the battalions of the sixteenth 
will come to save you. 



20 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

Be true as you have been heretofore, conform to the holy word of 
the Bible ; say the prayer for the dead, and only strike 3'our national 
hymn when you hear the thunder of the liberating nation roll over 
your mountains. 

Farewell dear compatriots. Let the thoughts of God and the 
angels of freedom be with you. Do not accuse me; you may be 
proud for the lions of Eurojpe have arisen to defeat the rebels. I 
am going to show the civilized world what heroes you are and the 
cause of the heroic people will be protected by the freest of the free 
peoples. 

Farewell, land stained with the blood of so many brave men; those 
stains must be preserved to bear witness to the nation that loves you. 

Farewell, young King of the Hungarians ! Do not forget that my 
nation is not for you, aiid God inspires me with the confidence that 
the day will come when you will see the proof of this on the very 
ruins of the walls of Buda. 

May the Almighty bless you, my beloved nation! Believe, hope, ^ 
and love! 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

No. 4] Vienna, Augmt 17, 1849. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Sir: a telegraphic dispatch just received from Haynau announces 
that Gorgey, with his army of 30,000 or 40,000 men, laid down his 
arms on the 13th instant at Vilagos, an interior town near Arad. No 
details are given nor will any probably be received here in an au- 
thentic form before to-morrow. It is understood, however, that the 
surrender was made to a Russian general. 

Within the last week the Magyars experienced several reverses in 
engagements with Haynau, which, perhaps, counterbalanced the re- 
cent advantages obtained by them at Komorn. Should the intelli- 
gence respecting Gorgey be confirmed, hostilities can scarcely fail 
to terminate at an early day adversely to Hungarian independence. 

A rumor originating either in the London Post or Augsburg Ga- 
zette is currently circulated here that the President of the United 
States had foi-mally received a minister from the government of 
Kossuth. Fortunately, your note to Mr. L. B. Breisach, under date 
of June 25, as containecl in the American newspapers, was received 
yesterday and will place the matter before the public in its true light. 
The uniform policy of our Government with respect to the recog- 
nition of foreign states, so succinctly explained in this note, can not 
fail to impress all concerned in the question of Hungary as eminently 
just and proper, 

I transmit this by mail to our dispatch agent in London, and I trust 
it will arrive in time for the Liverpool steamer of the 25th. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A, Dudley Mann. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 21 

Mr. Manti to the Secretary of State. 

No. 5.] Vienna, Augmt 21^, 18k9. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Sir: The surrender of Gorgey, according to the report of Paskie- 
witsch to the Czar, was unconditional. Not a paragraph relative to 
this momentous occurrence has yet been published by order of the 
Austrian Government. Detailed official accounts, however, were 
received here this morning from Warsaw, ^vhere they appeared 
in the Courier of the 18th instant. The following is a translation 
of the report of Paskiewitsch : 
Hungary lies at the feet of your itnperial itiajesty! 

The government of the insT(r.2;ents in its act of dissolution transferred rU 
power to Gorgey, who, nnconditionally, surrendered to the Russian Army. The 
other insurgent commanders will undoubtedly follow his example. The officers 
sent by Gorgey to me to negotiate a capitulation appeared to be willing to pro- 
ceed to them with commissioners from our army, or from that of Austria, to en- 
deavor to occasion a discontinuance of hostilities. 

I am most fortunate in being enabled to report to your imperial majesty that 
the only request made of me by Gorgey was for the enjoyment of the privilege 
of surrendering to your army. 

I have made suitable arrangements for having the troops of Gorgey sur- 
rounded by the corps of Gen. Riidiger, to which the disarming of it is con- 
fided. 

With regard to the delivery of the prisoners, and the arrangements for the 
other insurgents who may lay down their arms, I will advise with the com- 
mander in chief of the Austrian Army., I have had Gorgey brought to my head- 
quarters, where he shall remain until I receive further orders from your im- 
perial majesty. 

It seems to be pretty well authenticated that a Hungarian war 
council was held at Arad on the 11th of August, in which all the 
members of the Government participated. That at the commence- 
ment of its deliberations Gorgey expressed a belief that recent 
reverses left no alternative to the Magyars but an abandonment of 
the cause for which they were struggling. That Kossuth, giving 
utterance to opinions diametrically opposite, was overruled by a 
considerable majority, and bowing to the will of that majority, 
immediately, by public proclamation, notified his countrymen that 
his official life was terminated, inasmuch as Gorgey had been chosen 
dictator. And that the first use Gorgey made of the authority 
conferred upon him was to place Hungary " at the feet of his im- 
perial majesty," the Emperor of all the Russias. 

The remark of the Presse, made at the time the news from 
Vilagos was gazetted, that " We are at a loss which to admire most, 
the military or diplomatic skill of Gen. Paskiewitsch," has become 
quite proverbial. It receives additional point from the fact that 
Hungary, as reported by the prince, is prostrate before the Czar, and 
that the only condition required in the consummation of this deed 
was an exclusive surrender to the Russian Army. 

Kossuth, it is stated, started the same day that he was divested of 
his authority to Orsova, in Turkey. Whether in future he is to play 
a great role in the management oi the affairs of eastern Europe the 
Almighty in His wisdom must determine. Gorgey will assuredly be 



22 AFFAIRS OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 

placed in a high military position, either in the Russian or Austrian 
service, as it is admitted on all sides that his professional talents are 
of a very superior order. All will depend, as respects the arms which 
he is to bear liereafter, upon the partition or disposition, as a whole, 
of Hungary. Between Kossuth and Gorgey, in political sentiment, 
there was never any sjnnpathy. The latter Avas an uncompromising 
monarchist, as is distinctly seen in recent developments. Under the 
mask of national independence he fought for individual glory, not 
for liberal government. Consequently he was the idol of Magyar 
nobility, and in the war council the nobility prevailed. Kossuth, 
after the capture of Pesth, lost all control over the movements of 
Gorgey and theref<3re suspected his loyalty, communicating his sus- 
picions to Benn. 

The reports of Haynau and Paskiewitscli — the former to the Aus- 
trian and the latter to the Russian Emperor— relative to the victories 
of Yilagos, Arad, etc., have tliis moment made their appearance. 
I regret that I have not time before the last post for this steamer 
starts to furnish you with a translation of them. I send herewith 
the evening edition of the Presse containing them. It will be seen 
that Haynau claims for the Austrians the glory of hastening the war 
to a close. 

The Augsburg Gazette and other i)apers contain a translation of 
your note^ upon the subject of the recognition of Hungary. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extracts.] 

No. 1. — Private.] Vienna, Augmt 3S, J 849. 

Plon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, WasJihigton. 

Dear Sir: I fear that my despatches may fail to reach you, and 
I send this under cover to Mr. Bates, of the house of Baring Bros. 
& Co., to be forwarded to Washington. 

I closed my No. 5 j^esterday. having written the first at Paris, the 
second at Berlin, the third, fourth, and fifth at Vienna. The third 
was carried to London by the courier of the Britsh legatioij here; 
the others were transmitted to the post office. 

An official bulletin from Venice, published this afternoon, an- 
nounces the unconditional suri'ender of that city yesterday. 

Austria continues in a state of painful suspense with respect to 
the intentions of the Czar, now that " all Hungary lies at his feet." 
The pacification of the Magyars, at any cost, is strenuously urged 
upon the Government. But unmistakable indications are furnished 
that the door of pacification is closed now. if indeed, it have not been 
since the employment of Russian intervention became manifest. 

If the Czar really desire Hungary, there is no obstacle to his taking 
possession of it immediately, for sustained as he would be by Gor- 



iTo Breisach. 



APFAIES OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 23 

gey's influence, there is no power in Europe " to harm him or make 
him afraid." 

Nicholas, after entering the war arena, with his accustomed 
sag'acity, was not long in discovering that Gorgey was a general not 
to be despised, and that there was more to be accomplished by 
seducing than by subduing him, were either possible. He had 
recourse to diplomacy, after finding that his plans for hemming in 
and stifling the "insurrection " failed, and with what success is 
readily explained in the request of the renowned Magyar warrior 
for permission to surrender to the Russian commander in chief. To 
suppose after what has occurred that the preliminaries for the sur- 
render had not been arranged during the month that Paskiewitsch 
and Gorgey were loitering on the banks of the upper Theiss would be 
to suppose that imperial ambition was too chaste to achieve a pri- 
mary object by strategic influence. 

We shall probably know soon what disposition is to be made of 
Hungary. If the question be left to the decision of the Magyars, it 
will certainly go to Eussia. In the event of a vehement opposition 
on the part of Austria to such a procedure, the Czar may propose 
<as a compromise measure the erection of a throne and the crowning 
of his son-in-law, the Duke of Leuchtenberg, king with hereditary 
rights. 

In the face of the important occurrences which are so rapidly trans- 
piring in eastern Europe, I would suggest for your consideration 
whether it is not desirable to establish a legation at Athens. As the 
soutliern point of Europe, a capable representative could collect 
much valuable information for the Government there. At Berne, in 
Switzerland, we should also, in my opinion, have a legation. Its 
central position, with the institutions of the country, seem to me to 
require that we should be represented there. But I have not time 
to enlarge upon the subject, nor do I deem it necessary after bring- 
ing it to your notice. 

I shall employ mj^self in preparing reports upon commercial mat- 
ters until the return of Mr. Stiles, who has been written to to 
liasten to his post. It is, perhaps, nothing more than respectful that 
I should await his arrival ; but it is necessary that he should be here 
before I set out for Paris, to arrange my passports, etc. 

When I reach Paris I can write to you more freel}'' than I am dis- 
posed to do in Austria. 

If you still intend that I shall go to Tuscany, I would be much 
obliged if you would forward my instructions, etc., to the legation at 
Paris at your earliest convenience. 

I beg to renew to you the assurance that I am prepared to serve the 
President, to the best of my abilities, in any position which he may 
designate. 

I have the honor to be, most respectfully^. 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Received September 23, 1849.] 

No. 6.] Vienna, August 28, 1849. 

Sir : I received upon my arrival at this place the National Intel- 
ligence, containing the correspondence in relation to the steamship 



24 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

United States, which you did me the honor to transmit to me under 
cover to Mr. Stiles. My more immediate duties have so constantly 
employed me since then that I have had no leisure until now to state 
to you how cordially I approve of the action ot the President relative 
to this vessel, and how entirely I coincide in the opinions and views 
which you have expressed upon the subject to the Baron Von Eoune. 

Witnessing at Munich the first successful popular demonstration 
of last year against the moral and political enormities of sovereigns^ 
I looked forward from that moment for a salutary improvement in 
the condition of Continental Europe. In the severance of reigning 
royalty from its titled paramour by an outraged people I imagined 
that I beheld the handwriting on the wall for all rulers "by right 
Divine " who had been regardless of the rights and interests of their 
subjects in a flagrant degree. Nor was I much mistaken, for in two 
weeks afterwards the King of France was forced to abdicate and the 
public voice majestic obtained from crowned heads most of the con- 
cessions demanded in Germany, Austria, and Italy. 

From my long and intimate knowledge of the wrongs of the Ger- 
mans, and with their orderly and unimpassionate deportment under 
a sense of those wrongs, I esteemed them as a people deserving vastly 
more political freedom than they had hitherto been permitted to 
enjoy. Observing my duty as an American, I silently watched from 
day to day the public manifestations from their commencement — 
anxious that they might eventuate in benign and durable results. 
I saw nothing irrati^onal in the universal desire entertained for the 
reestablishment of a Germany. On the contrary, I viewed the senti- 
ment as emanating from a lofty spirit of patriotism, having for its 
ulterior object the adoption of institutions and laws sufficiently liberal 
and just to secure contentment to the governed. The notion of over- 
throwing at once the numerous thrones I considered chimerical in 
the extreme, but I nevertheless believed that it was possible to adopt 
a system the operations of which would gradually impair the foun- 
dation of those thrones until they would necessarily fall. As it was 
clear that the Deutsch-Schleswig question — which had been agitated 
and discussed for the last two years — could never be adjusted as one 
of right, and as there had been no obligator}^, or rather observed, 
European law since the partition of Poland, notwithstanding the 
Vienna treaty, I believed that the demand of the Schleswigers for 
admission into the embraces of the fatherland was neither illegitimate 
nor unreasonable. In the war which grew out of this question I am 
very free to confess that I wished for the success of the Germans, 
because I had an abhorrence to the principle of sacrificing the peace 
and property of provinces, irrespective of language or tace and in 
opposition to their avowed will, for the preservation of mongrel 
kingdoms merely for the convenience of princes. 

But while I entertained sentiments decidedly favorable to that 
which was understood to be the great German cause — union and sub- 
sequent liberty — I was not without occasional painful forebodings 
that my country would, in some way or other, be allured to render 
physical assistance against Denmark. I sojourned at Frankfort 
from the commencement of hostilities in Scheswig until near the end 
of June, during which I was almost daily approached by members 
of the assembly and others to ascertain my opinions as to the like- 



AFPAIES OF HUNGABY, 184^1850. * 25 

lihood of making an arrangement with the United States, by which 
a part of their war marine could be employed to protect the Elbe and 
the Weser from blockade. I repelled all such advances by replying 
that my country had not only international obligations and statuable 
provisions to obey but the cherished principles and policy of its 
fathers and founders to observe; that however much its affections 
might be enlisted for struggling humanity it would never consent 
that its honor should be submitted to reproach for having violated a 
rigid neutrality adverse to a nation involved in war with which it 
was at peace. In order that the Government might be fully guarded 
against the danger of aiding indirectly the Germans, in my No. 19, 
written at Frankfort on the Main May 1, 18-1:8, I remarked to the 
Secretary of State: 

Baron von Roune returns to the United States as minister of Prussia. Two 
or three days before hi's appointment was gazetted tlie Bundesvevsammlung 
(Germanic Diet) ''Resolved, Tliat tlie Prussian Government be requested in all 
future negotiations with Denmark to have a particular regard to the security of 
German commerce and navigation in the North and Baltic Seas, and, if possible, 
to enter into an arrangement with some naval power to protect them on the 
coast." Absurd as is such a notion as that expressed in the latter part of this 
proceeding, it seems to l)e understood here that in conformity with it the dip- 
lomat mentioned has been dispatched to Washington. With a knowledge of our 
policy with respect to foreign nations, recently forcibly reexpressed by the 
Executive that of " peace with all nations, entangling alliances with none," by 
the cabinet of Berlin, I am somewhat disinclined to give credit to the statement, 
as current as it is among well-informed persons. 

Those of our countrymen who contend that the steamship United 
States w^as not purchased and armed expressly Avith a view to employ- 
ment against the Danes are either egregiously deceived themselves 
or endeavor to practice upon the credulity of others. On my route 
hither I conversed with several intelligent German gentlemen of my 
acquaintance in relation to the matter, and while they w^ere disposed 
lo be clamorous against the action of our Government they unhesi- 
tatingly admitted that the object for which the purchase and equip- 
ment w^as made was no other than belligerent and in the instance of 
Demnark. I was also told that one of the secretaries of the pseudo 
Frankfort government had been informed through an official chan- 
nel that the United States were prepared to furnish any number 
of officers required for the German naval service, and that Germany 
might make arrangements accordingly. The nonobservance of this 
promise was more complained of than the detention of the steamer. 
Now, anyone conversant with German affairs since the 1st of April, 
1848, knows perfectly well that the creation of a German navy has 
been advocated, exclusive^ with reference to the Danish question, and 
it is, therefore, the more astonishing that a functionary of the United 
States, at home or abroad, should have given an assurance that his 
country was willing to furnish its own officers to aid in bringing this 
navy into existence. 

As far as the Government and people of the United States con- 
templated the purposes comprehended by the German constituent 
assemblj", they could not fail to feel a lively solicitude that those pur- 
poses should be attained. But when they saw that constituent assem- 
bly warring against the power which called it into being engaged 
in the creation of a stupendous throne and in arranging an imperial 



26 • AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

crown for the House of Hohenzollern, tliey surely could not regard it 
as a body entitled to their esteem or their respect. 

Consequently, apart from the influencing considerations which led 
to the decision of the President in requiring bonds that the steamer 
United States should not be employee! against a nation with which 
the States of (Tcrmany were at war and we at peace, the Germany 
of Frankfort creation gave unmistakable evidences, some time before 
its self-inunolation, that it was utterly unworthy of the sympathies 
of people £0 free, upright, and magnanimous as those of America. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 
No. 7.] Vienna, September 1, 184&. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State., Washington. 

Sir: Gen. Haynau has proclaimed an amnesty to all noncommis- 
sioned officers and privates who have been employed in the Hun- 
garian service. The troops surrendered by Gorgey have returned 
to their homes. 

The fortresses of Komorn and Icterwordein have not yet capitu- 
lated. The commandant of the former is represented to be disposed 
to throw open its gates, but his officers resolutely resist his wishes. 
Eussian generals are in daily communication with each fortress, 
and it is confidently believed that arrangements for their surrender 
will be concluded soon. When this shall occur the present war will 
have been terminated. 

About 45,000 Mag;\'ars, including the army of Gorgey, have laid 
down their arms to the Russians. No voluntary surrenders, as far 
as I am advised, have been made to the Austrians. In every circle 
the questions continue to be asked with increased anxiety, "What 
does this mean ? If nothing worse result, is the Czar to enjoy all the 
glory attendant upon the cessation of hostilities when the victories 
were all won by the arms of Francis Joseph?'' 

It is stated that the Vilagos prisoners who have just arrived at 
Pressburg concur in the belief that Gorgey was an arrant traitor. 
Kossuth seems to be entirely of the same opinion (if the letters pub- 
lished over his name can be relied upon as genuine), as I intimated 
to you in my No. 5. In writing to Count Bathyanyi he expresses 
himself unreservedly upon the subject — remarking that " the proposal 
and execution of Gorge^^'s plan," which he had foreseen and feared, 
" was treason against the fatherland and resulted in a deathblow to 
the Republic." 

Radetzky is expected here to-day. His troops are not to occupy 
Venice on account of the prevalence of disease there and the distress 
consequent upon the lengthened bombardment. I may remark here 
that Mr. Sparks, our consul for that city, died of cholera a short 
time since. 

A customs union is reported to be in contemplation between Aus- 
tria and the Italian States, with a view to the adoption of a pro- 
hibitory system against the manufactures of foreign countries. If 



AFFAIKS OF .HUNGARY, 18-19-1850. 27 

perfected, its operations will bQ chiefly aimed at England, but they 
can not fail, unless great care be exercised by onr Government, to 
affect injuriously American interests. 
I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudli:y Maxn. 



Mr. Blann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extracts.] 

No. 2, private.] Vienxa, Septeniber 2. 181^9. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Dear Sir : This morning's post brings important intelligence, if 
true, from the east. It is to the effect that the great Russian Army 
under the command of Paskievitch is returning in forced marches to 
Poland. That Gorgey had been delivered to Austria, and immedi- 
ately pardoned by the Emperor, with the understanding that he was 
to be confined for a time to the limits of Styric. That the officers of 
Gorgey will probably be set at liberty, after being submitted to trial 
by a court-martial. That Kossuth, Bem. Dembiuski, Mazores, and 16 
other Polish chiefs, together with many Hungarian deputies, had 
been captured at Calapat, on their route to Constantinople, by order 
of the imperial Turkish conmiander. That they had been removed 
to Widden, where they were to be detained as prisoners until the de- 
cision of the Sublime Porte should be known respecting the disposi- 
tion which might be made of them. That the Austrian authorities 
in Turkey allege that they have the Hungarian crown jewels, and 
that according to treaty stipulations they were under the Austrian 
jurisdiction. 

I forwarded two dispatches to you yesterday by post, No. 6 and 7. 
I trust they will in due time reach their destination. The communi- 
cation between here and London is not only direct, but expeditious; 
but I fear that the system of espionage in the post administration 
has not been entirely abandoned in Europe and that my dispatches 
may be delayed, if not detained. 

It is important that I should convey you all the information at 
my disposal between this and the meeting of Congress, relative to 
European affairs. With this object steadily in view I imagine I 
shall anticipate your wishes by proceeding direct to Florence, instead 
of returning to Paris, when I quit Vienna. My reports to you will 
give me constant employment for several weeks, so that I can not 
afford to lose the time that would be required for a tour to the west 
of Europe. 

If you shall decide upon the mission to Tuscany, or upon my 
employment elsewhere, you can forward instructions, etc., as 1 
stated in my last, addressed to me under cover to the legation of the 
United States in Paris. There are opportunities presented daily at 
Paris for the conveyance of dispatches to Florence by Americans. 

No tidings since yesterday from Komorn and Peterwerdein. To- 
morrow the victories in Hungary and Italy are to be celebrated here. 
Redetzky, Haynau, and Gellachich are to be present on the occasion, 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



28 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extract] 

No. 8.] Vienna, September 8, 1849. ' 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Sir : A commercial imion, if not a close political alliance, is unques- 
tionably in contemi^lation between Austria and the peninsular Italian 
States. This union, if it be perfected, will perhaps extend its em- 
braces to Sardina, and also to Bavaria and Wurtemberg. In fact, 
the Austrian s3\stem. with many additional impost restrictions, and 
possibly a few slight modifications, will in all probability be adopted 
throughout German}^ Experience has furnished indubitable testi- 
mony to potentates that freedom in commerce and political liberty 
are inseparable companions — the latter closely and steadily follow- 
ing the lead of the former. It is, therefore, considered indispensable, 
in the endeavor made to Russianize the Continent, to confine impor- 
tations from foreign states of generous sentiment to such raw mate- 
rials as may be absolutely required by the manufacting interest 
and to such articles of consumption as can not be dispensed with. 
As a preparatory measure to a system of virtual exclusiveness on the 
part of Austria, except to States which may coalesce with her, it is 
announced that a notification has already been given by the minister 
of commerce to the Venetian authorities that the " free port " privi- 
leges of Venice are to be immediately abrogated. That a similar 
policy will be decided upon with reference to Trieste can not be rea- 
sonably doubted. This of course will eventuate in some degree to 
a diminution of consumption of our staples other than cotton, and to 
the disadvantage of our navigation. 

The young Emperor left here yesterday for Dresden for the two- 
fold object, it is said, of settling the German question with the King 
of Prussia, who is to meet him there, and of contracting a matri- 
monial alliance with a daughter of the heir presumptive to the throne 
of Saxony. On the 15th he is to proceed to Cilli, to be present at 
the ceremonies of opening the railroad to Laibach, from whence he 
will continue his journey to Trieste, where he w^ill be visited, accord- 
ing to letters received from Naples, Rome, and Florence, by the 
King of the two Sicilies, the Pope (or two of his cardinals), and 
the Crown Prince of Tuscany. Should this meeting take place it is 
almost certain that, among other matters, the preliminaries for the 
establishment of a customs union will be arranged. 

A conference of the most distinguished captains and civilians in 
the Austrian service is to take place at Schonbrunn on the 11th 
instant under the presidency of the Emperor. Its ostensible object 
is stated to be the organization of Hungary. But a more important 
subject than even this, from occasional inklings during the present 
week, is likely to engage its deliberations. The army of Vovalberg, 
near the confines of Switzerland, 36,000 strong, with a reserve of 
20,000 men, requires an experienced and successful commander just 
now. Haynau it is rumored, is anxious to quit Hungary. If the 
obliteration of Switzerland have been really resolved upon at War- 
saw the duty of consummating the deed could not be confided to safer 
hands than to this general. One thing is very certain : If the auto- 



AFFAIES OP HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 29 

crat is disposed to wipe out the existence of the Helvetian Eepublic 
he may do so, in my opinion, with entire impunity; for I consider 
him politically omnipotent on the Continent. Kingdoms and re- 
publics, for all practical uses, in the balance of power are merely 
his departments and crowned heads and presidents his prefects. The 
Czar, as will be seen from the following address to his army, claims 
all the honor of terminating the contest with the Magj^ars, and who 
will venture to dispute his right to do so ? 

Children: God hns blessed your ardoi-, yoiu- manly courage, your unwearied 
perseverance in the midst of liardships. Children, you have doue your duty 
and the insurrection has been stifled. There where the enemy dared to meet 
you, you vanquished him, and pursuing the fugitive step by step, you finally 
witnessed an occurrence without a parallel. The whole force of the enemy 
\mconditionally laid, down their arms before you and surrendered to our mercy. 
In the course of two months were captured by and surrendered to us 150 fliags 
and standai-ds and 400 iiieces of artillery, with more than 80,000 rebels. Honor 
and glory for you. Honor and glory for your victorious leader. As ever, you 
have shown yourselves worthy of the name of the victorious army of all tlie 
Russias. I thank you collectively and individually. I am delighted with you. 
I am proud of you. 

Nicholas. 

September 3. 

But I will advert in a future number, when I can do so with less 
restraint than at present, to the Eussian Empire and the causes of 
its increased greatness. 

Komorn has not yet surrendered, nor had Peterwardein when last 
heard from. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretai^y of State. 

[Copy.] 

No. 3. — Private.] Vienna, September 9, 1849. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State., Washington. 

Dear Sir: I wrote to you yesterday. Although I am informed 
that my dispatches reach the agency of the United States in London 
regularly, when transmitted by post, I nevertheless do not consider 
it prudent to express myself as freely as is desirable in relation to 
Eussian and Austrian affairs until I meet with a safe private con- 
veyance. You can not fail to be anxious to know the cause of the 
sudden termination of the Hungarian war. I hope to put you in 
possession of much information on the subject as soon as I meet with 
one of our trusty countrymen going to London or Paris. 

Gorgey arrived here last night accompanied by his wife and 
brother. He is proceeding to Gratz, where he is to reside for a time. 
We have no additional tidings from Kossuth and his party. If they 
should succeed in getting to Constantinople, I think it not unlikely 
that they would embark for the United States. I hope for the credit 
of Kossuth that he has not carried off the crown jewels of Hungary. 
If they were in his possession he should have delivered them to 
(lorgey wdien he laid doAvn his power. 



30 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

Vienna is filled almost to overflowing with Russians. It is decid- 
edly the most important point at present in Europe. All eyes are 
turned to it, as they were four and thirty years ago, for a solution of 
the continental questions. The same motives prevail with the auto- 
crat for the subversion of Switzerland ns prevailed with him in 1846 
for the subversion of Cracow. He is as powerful now for the one as 
he was then for the other. Whether this power will be exercised, as 
is contemplated, a few wrecks will determine. If it shall, Russia will 
take care of Hungary, while Austria and Prussia march upon Switz- 
erland. Nicholas remarked a few days since that he had now dem- 
onstrated to the world what his arms were capable of performing, and 
that democracy might profit by the example. 

How salutary to our best interests — to our tranquillity and se- 
curity — our established policy with respect to the concerns of foreign 
States. Without an honest observance of it, what unprofitable dif- 
ficulties may we not have been involved in on account of one or 
another of the abortive revolutionary movements of Europe? Let 
us resolutelj^ adhere to it (despite the demagogical influences to drive 
the Government to an abandonment of it) in all coming time. Let 
us never, as w^ell-intentioned, peace-loving republicans, give any just 
cause of offense, whatever our sympathies for their oppressed sub- 
jects, to any power or state. Let us be pure in all our acts, influenced 
by reason instead of passion, and that unseen Arm which has pro- 
tected us from infancj^ will continue to watch over and guide our 
destiny. 

Mr. Stiles has not yet arrived, nor have any tidings, as I under- 
stand, been received from him at the legation. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mcmn to ths S&cretanj of State. 

[Extract] 

No. 0.] Vienna, Septemler 16. 181^9. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State., Wa.skiiigfon. 

Sir: Peterwardein capitulated on the 6th instant to the Austrian 
Army. The official report of the occurrence demonstrates that this 
fort was excellently well provided for defensive operations. It con- 
tained 7,600 effective men, 300 pieces of artillery, and a large supply 
of anmiunition and provisions. 

The " vi]-gin fortress," the last hold of Magyar resistance to the 
restoratioii of Austrian authority, resolutely refuses to surrender. 
The terms upon which it Avas disposed to capitulate Avere rejected by 
Haynau, under an impression that it w'ould be forced by circum- 
stances to surrender unconditionally. A majority of the officers in 
Komorn were formerly in the xVustrian Army, and as they know that 
no mercy Avould be bestoAved upon them as prisoners Avithout a pre- 
vious promise of pardon, they are prepared to sell their lives at the 
highest price. 

It has been ascertained during the present week that there are 
upward of 25,000 troops in the inclosure of the walls of Komorn, and 



APFAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 31 

that they are not only amply furnished with all necessary articles of 
food for a seige of a 12-nionth or more, but that they have 500 well- 
mounted guns, besides 8 batteries with 8 guns each, 50 heavy guns, 
and 1,400 Artillery horses. It is estimated by competent military 
men that in order to beleaguer Komorn successfully 75.000 troops 
will be constantly required. The fortress, with the numerous facili- 
ties now at the disposal of Haynau, could doubtless be reduced by 
bombardment, but such an idea seems not to be entertained. In fact, 
Komorn, from its position and strength, is too valuable in the 
future military government of Hungary, to say nothing of the conse- 
quent pecuniary cost and loss of soldiers to Austria, to admit of such 
a procedure, particularly as the war is now virtually ended. I incline 
therefore to believe that, as reluctant as the Government may be to 
do so, an amnesty will be granted to all the inmates of the fortress, 
in which event its gates will be thrown open. 

Paskiewitsch, it seems, has interceded for the captive Magyar 
officers. In reply to him the Emperor remarks that while he ac- 
knowledges the obligations imposed by humanity, he has nevertheless 
grave duties to perform to his realm. Still Gorgey has been pardoned, 
h-om which circumstance it may be inferred that his subalterns, if 
submitted to a trial at all, will be discharged. 

The Czar has published another manifesto, in the form of a cir- 
cular to his representatives in foreign countries, which has probably 
been communicated to you, explanatory of his motive for interven- 
tion, and expressive of his determination, now that his purpose has 
been so signally accomplished, to abide by the settlement of 1815. 

In consequence of the death of his brother, the Grand Duke 
Michael, the Autocrat left Warsaw a few days ago for St. Petersburg. 

It is now officially announced that after the 21st instant the " free- 
port " privileges are to cease at Venice. 

The letter of Louis Napoleon to Ney has created much surprise, 
wherever it has been read. As really intending to benefit the cause 
of liberal government I attach no value to the sentiments which he 
utters. I may be uncharitable, but I can not believe otherwise than 
that the President of France is influenced, exclusively, in all his acts 
by an inordinate solicitude to reestablish the Imperial Throne ; and 
that the object of the recent publication was to bring his name more 
conspicuously before the European public. Eome is assuredly in a 
deplorable condition, but not more than must have been foreseen by 
the French Government when it decided upon the subversion of the 
Eepublic. The expedition of Oudinot was not only ill-advised, but 
ill-boding, and I fear ill-intentioned. 

The conference of the prominent civil and military functionaries of 
Austria, which I alluded to in my last, is progressing with its duties. 
It is engaged, as is understood at present, with the organization of 
Hungary. 

A vigilant eye should be kept, as I am sure it will by yourself, over 
our interests in this Empire. I intend to devote a dispatch to this 
subject soon. 

Mr. Stiles has written to his secretary to say that he will return to 
his post about the 20th. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



32 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Received Oct. 14.] 

No. 10.] , Vienna, Sepemher 23, 18J^9. 

Sir : It seems to be generally luiderstoocl here that Austria has 
submitted to Prussia a plan of central government for the States 
embraced in the Germanic Confederation, and it is stated that 
Prussia, finding the Spreebund or constitution of the three Kings 
impracticable now that Austria is in a condition to assert her rights 
to the presidency of the old Germanic Diet, is not inclined to throw 
any obstacles of an insurmountable nature in the way of its adoption. 
This plan, though not communicated to the public, is perhaps fore- 
shadowed in the outlines of the interim government as proposed by 
Austria, which are to the following effect : 

1. As soon as the consent of the different German governments 
shall have been obtained for that purpose, " the vicar of the Empire " 
shall immediately vacate his office when the duties appertaining to 
it shall be exercised by the Emperor of Austria and the King of 
Prussia. 

2. Austria and Prussia shall govern through a committee of four, 
two members chosen by each (Austria to have the presidency), and 
in case of a disagreement upon any national question Bavaria, Han- 
over, and Wurtemberg and Bavaria, Hanover and Saxony shall al- 
ternately act as umpire, from whose decision no appeal shall be 
taken. With this condition the committee shall conduct the affairs 
of the confederation, exclusively, and shall be responsible alone to the 
respective sovereigns to whom it owes allegiance. 

3. The 1st of May, 1850, is the period designated for the termina- 
tion of the interim government, provided a definitive government 
shall have been arranged prior to that time. 

4. All the States of the confederacy shall assent to the provi- 
sions of the central constitution before their operations shall com- 
mence, or shall be obligatory upon either. 

Should the interim government be established upon the principle 
thus proposed all the smaller reigning princes would be morally 
mediatized. Austria and Prussia, with all power secured to them- 
selves, would not likely be disposed to part with any portion of it 
by provisions in the constitution of the definitive government. 

It is currently rumored this morning, though not as yet officially 
announced, that Komorn has capitulated, and upon the same terms, 
in conformity with the advice of Radektzy, as those accorded to 
Venice — an amnesty to all persons within its walls. Radetkzy as- 
sisted, from time to time, in the construction of Komorn, and is said 
to have frequently expressed a belief that it Avas so strong if properly 
defended as to bid defiance to the assaults of an enemy. 

The Government of Austria, aided by the most experienced mili- 
tary men in the Empire, continues to occupy itself Avith the question 
of the organization of Hungary. It is as difficult an one of satisfac- 
tory adjustment as ever engaged the deliberations of a cabinet. In 
its settlement Austria will possibly be forced to change materially 
her conmiercial system in order to harmonize not only the interestAS 
but the nationalities which she embraces. Under good diplomacy I 
am encouraged to believe that we could make ourselves instrumental 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 33 

in abolishing the Tobacco Regie. I have collected many facts which 
could be usefully employed by an able representative upon the 
subject. 

I have concluded to return to Paris, for reasons v^hich I shall ex- 
plain to you after I arrive there, and I shall leave here between this 
and the 1st proximo. By that time I trust that there will be some 
one here to represent the country. 

I perceive, according to an announcement in a Berlin paper, that 
Baron von Roune has been superseded, and that Baron von Gevolt 
returns as resident Prussian minister to Washington. 

The letter of Louis Napoleon to Ney no longer occasions remark, 
let alone anxiet}^ It notoriously means nothing, and accomplishes 
nothing, as concerns the bettering of the conditions of the Romans. 
The cardinals are more unmerciful than they w^ere before its con- 
tents were communicated to them. 

I shall not write to you again from this place. I shall complete 
my reports, which will employ me several days, after I quit Germany 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Received Dec. 12, 1849.] 

No. 11.] Vienna, Sejyteniber 'BI^ 18Ii.9. 

Sir : The treaty which I concluded with Hanover in 1846, of which 
nothing was known in tlie States of the Zollverein until it was pro- 
claimed by King Ernest in March, 1847, was attacked with much vehe- 
mence by the press, in the advocacy of Prussian interests. I forward 
you, herewith, the translation of an article which appeared in the 
Augsburg Algemeine Zeitung upon the subject on the 29th of March, 
1847. A friend in Germany wrote to me at Washington shortly 
after the publication was made, informing me of its contents and of 
the name of the author, but I never saw the article itself until, after 
a diligent search, I found it at Berlin on my route hither. It was 
prepared by a celebrated diplomatist, who, as will be perceived, was 
well acquainted with the statutes of our country, and also professed 
to have a thorough knowledge of our countrymen. In order that the 
translation (by any imperfection) may do no injustice to the writer, 
I send, along with this, the printed copy in German. 

In my dispatch. No. 7, 1 stated to Mr. Buchanan that : " In my 
opinion, it is imperative upon Congress to repeal the act of 1828 if 
not that also of 1824," and so much solicitude did I feel that this 
might be done, that I transmitted him the form of a bill, which I 
hurriedly drew up for the purpose, at Schwerin, in November, 1847. 
It is scarcely necessary to advance a single argument for the repeal 
of those laws, and for giving the requisite notice to Prussia for the 
abrogation of our treaty with her, in addition to the unanswerable 
ones which will be found in the article referred to. If properly 
explained in Congress, assuredly no member could vote against the 
measure and afterwards face his constituents. However widely we 

S. Doc. 282, 65-2 3 



34 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

may occasionally differ with respect to home questions, we are at 
least in our international, policy, in so far as concerns a profitable 
augmentation of our trade intercourse, an united people. With all 
our good will to foreigners — our steadfast desire for the most ami- 
cable relations with every State — we are not so regardless of our 
interests as to afford, knowingly, pecuniar}^ benefits to them to the 
injury of ourselves. 

The Prussian functionary (I believe the writer then held a posi- 
tion subordinate to a cabinet minister at Berlin), not satisfied with 
the privileges which we had so generously bestowed upon the flag of 
his sovereign, was apparently quite indignant that Hanover should 
have made import and transit duty concessions in order to be per- 
mitted to engage in the triangular carrying with us. " We can not 
believe," said he, " that the President of the United States, who 
stands under the law, as well as every other Anierican citizen, and 
whose only duty it is to execute the laws of the country (and conse- 
quently those acts of 1824 and 1828), would have refused to do so, 
and had he done so. Congress and the press, if properly influenced, 
would very soon have called him back to his duty." With respect to 
Oldenburg he observed, " We hope the report will not be confirmed 
that the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg also acceded to the treaty of 
June 10, 1846. This would be on the part of Oldenburg a much 
greater blunder than it was on the jDart of Hanover. Why should 
Oldenburg, which has obtained, by the proclamation of the President 
of the United States of September 10, 1830, all that was granted to 
Hanover in the treaty of June 10, make additional concessions? " 

When I visited Mecklenberg in October, 1847 — then in the enjoy- 
ment of the President's proclamation— to negotiate the declaration of 
accession, I was met by the minister of foreign affairs with the argu- 
ments thus furnished by the Prussian expounder of American law, 
not to grant "similar favors" to those granted by Hanover, and it 
was not until after I convinced himself and the reigning prince by 
palpable demonstrations in repeated interviews that the United States 
would find it to be their duty to repeal the act at an early date, from 
which the proclamation derived its authority, that I succeeded in the 
object of my mission to that government. 

While the acts of 1824 and 1828 remain upon our code book, and 
certain treaties continue in force, it is not possible for us to negotiate 
stipulations securing concessions favorable to the most extended con- 
sumption of our products in foreign countries. Prussia may levy 
transit duties on our staples passing to a third nation behind her, 
and foster her producing interests by prohibitory import duties; 
Denmark may exact unjustifiable sound tolls from our ships and such 
cargoes as we export to the Baltic; Sweden may burden with im- 
punity by taxes, import and excise the articles of our growth, produce, 
and manufacture, and yet we are cmnpelled to submit to such injus- 
tice because our laws forbid a resort to measures of retaliation. 
" The privilege of the indirect carrying to the United States," confi- 
dently asserts the renowned Prussian diplomat, " was the less to be 
valued as the attempts made from time to time by the American 
shipowners to repeal the acts of Congress of 1824 and 1828 — author- 
izing the reciprocity — had repeatedly failed, and as it is not at all 
probable that these "laws will be in the least changed, particularly as 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 35 

things now stand in the United States." In fact, no value whatever 
is placed upon our generous navigation policy from the circumstance 
of its being utterly unrestricted, making no discrimination between 
selfish and liberal States. 

The Prussian functionary expressed astonishment that Hanover 
was so unmindful of her interests as not to notify the United States, 
as Oldenburg had done, of her readiness to admit their vessels, and 
the cargoes conveyed by them, into her ports without subjecting 
them to higher or other duties than were levied on her own, and thus 
secure the indirect carrying. It is strange that a German diplomat 
so well instructed in the commercial and indeed political affairs of 
other countries, as the writer of the article, should have been 
ignorant of the fact that Hanover was not in a condition — or at any 
rate did not manifest a disposition — ^to place the vessels of the United 
States, and their cargoes, without reference to the country from 
whence they came on an entire equality in her ports, with those of 
her own. The discriminating Brunshausen or Stade duties which 
she exacted, 'v^'ould not admit of such a procedure before the treaty 
of June 10, 18-16, was concluded. In that treaty. Article I, it is stipu- 
lated that — 

No higher or other toll shall be levied or collected ,at Brunshausen or Stade 
on the River Elbe upon the tonnage or cargoes of the vessels of the United 
States than are levied and collected upon the tonnage and cargoes of vessels 
of the Kingdom of Hanover, and the vessels of the United States shall be 
subjected to no charges, detention, or other inconvenience by the Hanoverian 
authorities, in passing the above-mentioned place, from which vessels of the 
Kingdom of Hanover are or shall be exempt. 

In his immoderate desire to embrace the German coast States in 
the Zollverein — with a view to ulterior political power — Frederick 
William IV had not a more diligent or dutiful subject in his em- 
ployment than the nobleman of diplomatic celebrity. The King of 
Hanover, the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg- Schwerin and Oldenburg, 
and the Hanseatic Towns, resolutely resisted the many temptations 
presented to them to become members of this league, but Prussia 
continued to persevere until the Hanover treaty was proclaimed. 
This treay precluded the possibility of the perfection of the commer- 
cial union of Germany, during its continuance, unless Prussia would 
consent to change her policy, because it committed Hanover to low 
import and merely nominal transit duties (through whatever ports 
or in whatever vessels the importations might be made) on our lead- 
ing products. It was also stipulated that " no higher or other duties 
shall be imposed on the importation into the Kingdom of Hanover 
of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United 
States and of their fisheries than are or shall be payable on the like 
articles, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other 
foreign country or of its fisheries." Prussia and the Zollverein 
States in matters of commerce stand in the attitude of foreign coun- 
tries, to Hanover, Oldenburg, and the Mecklenburg, and consequently 
our whole oil and tobacco must continue to be admitted, while the 
treaty is in force, into Hanover, etc., on as favorable terms as that 
produced in Prussia, Baden, etc. If the league had been completed 
the products of the States composing it at present, would have en- 
tered the coast States free while ours would have been subjected to 
the tariff of imports which operates adversely to an extended con- 



36 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

sumption of one or more staples. And here I will take occasion to 
remark that, in mj opinion, it is not in the interest of our country 
for our Governm^ent to release the States obligated by the treaty of 
June 10, 1846, even if they shall augment the duty on tobacco, as 
they gave notice of their intention to do, about the commencement 
of next year. " We sincerely wish," says the sagacious Prussian 
diplomat, " that the promised abolition of the import duty upon 
raw cotton and the stipulation not to increase the duty on tobacco 
may present no obstacles to the future realization of a system of 
commercial policy favoraing direct trade with trans-Atlantic coun- 
tries ! If an augmentation of the duty on tobacco were contem- 
plated the United States would scarcely make use of the right of 
abrogation reserA^ed to them, in Article II of the new treaty, as it 
would still be in their interest to desire the continuance of the other 
concessions so easily obtained." 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 
Your obedient servant, 

A, Dudley Mann. 

M7\ Mann to the /Secretary of State. 

No. 12.] Vienna, September ^7, 1849. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Sir: The conquest is now complete. The Austrian flag is sus- 
pended over Komorn. There is no longer a Magyar arm raised 
against autocratic rule. 

As late as the 21st of July the Hungarian Government entertained 
confident hopes of ultimate success. In the session of the Diet of 
that day at Szegedin, as appears from the proceedings just published, 
the minister of the interior made an elaborate exposition of the con- 
dition of the country, which was so satisfactory in its details as to 
elicit ]Dlaudits even from members whose previous dismay had con- 
tributed to cast a gloom over the future. Toward the close of his 
speech the minister remarked : 

If our army shall continue to fight as bravely as heretofore; it its leaders 
have no other, or more luiworthy, intention than the liberation of the father- 
land ; if we can employ advantageously the extraordinary power contained in 
the rising masses of the millions of our people ; if the nation will patiently 
accustom itself to the hardships of war, in the same spirit of patriotism with 
which it appreciates the liberty for which it is battling, the time is not distant 
when we shall be enabled to announce that we have no more sacrifices to 
demand. 

This occurred in the last session, of which any account is furnished 
at Avad, which resulted in the bestowal of a dictatorship upon 
Gorgey. Haynau shortly afterwards occupied Szegedin, from 
whence he continued a victorious march to Temesvar. A spirit of 
insubordination had steadily found its way into the camps of Bene 
and Dembenski. Many of the officers suddenly became disobedient, 
and the privates, with such an example, were disposed to be muntinous. 
Evidence of this was in possession of the Government prior to the 
disastrous conflicts at Szovog and Temesvar; and Kossuth made a 
pow.erful exertion to reestablish discipline and order. In a touching 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 37 

address to the army he appealed to its patriotism and its pride, im- 
ploring it not to swerve from its duty, not to disobey a command, 
while an invading foot pressed Hungarian soil. Pointing to that 
mighty nation of self-governing men beyond the Atlantic, he ob- 
served : 

And, remember still more, and press the matter to your heart, to what a judg- 
ment you expose us in that part of the distant world which is looking with so 
much admiration and solicitude upon our struggle for freedom and independence. 

But, as was soon seen, disaffection had attained an incurable point. 
At Szovog and Temesvar, the Magyars, enjoying man}^ advantages, 
were routed with an immense loss of men and arms. When this 
startling intelligence was communicated to the Diet, the timid 
ci-devant Magnates and the noblemen who were members of that 
bod}^ became so frightened that they thought of nothing but their 
own personal safety, and were prepared to abandon the cause of 
independence as forever hopeless. 

Gorgey perceived that the hour for the consummation of his long- 
cherished purpose had now arrived, and hastening to Arad he entered 
the hall of the Diet exclaiming " Finis Pannonise." A nobleman 
himself, he was the darling of the nobility: The most renowned of 
the Magyar, captains, he wore a charmed name for the multitude. 
The words which he pronounced, therefore, fell with as much force 
upon his astounded hearers as though they had been uttered by a 
supernatural voice. In the presence of that which was announced 
upon the highest authority as a palpable reality, Kossuth's explana- 
tions and remonstrances were unheeded. By the duplicity of the 
monarchist the republican was superseded. In the traitor's triumph 
the patriot lost his country. 

Gorgey, it is believed, had his emissaries at work for some time 
before his surrender, and the disaffection in the Division of Bern and 
Dembinski may be attributable to his management. Pie had a brother 
who held a civil appointment in the Austrian service, with whom, by 
the connivance of the authorities, he is supposed to have corresponded 
freely and' frequently . It is quite certain that no want of fidelity was 
manifested in any quarter of the Hungarian camp until a sort of 
corps d'armee traveling companionship, of loitering movement, was 
observable in the region of the upper Theiss, in the commands of 
Gorgey and Paskiewitsch. 

The Autocrat had notoriously failed in his original plan for crush- 
ing the Magyars at a blow. His army had accomplished absolutely 
nothing in facilitating hostilities to a favorable conclusion. It was 
checkmated at every turn that it attempted in offensive operations. 
The titled hero of Erivan and Warsaw was in a sad dilemma. His 
princely fame was submitted to a dangerous ordeal. To advance 
was perhaps to encounter defeat; to retreat, incur disgrace. The 
gaining of any additional glory in combat with the Magyars as re- 
peated discomfitures had foreshadowed was, to say the least, uncer- 
tain. Why not secure by diplomacy that which might be lost in fight? 
Gorgey is comparatively young, of noble blood, an inflexible anti- 
republican, without a sentiment in common with the liberalists of 
Hungary. Pie liolds the destinies of the Maygars in his iiands, and if 
he choose can lay their country at the foot of the throne of all the 
Russias. What price too high to pay for such a consummation? 



38 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850, 

Tims doubtless inquired and thus reasoned the great European states- 
man and diplomatist. Did he mistake his man? Alas, for the wel- 
fare of civilized Europe, no. 

What says Gorgey, as he approaches the Russian commander to 
consunnnate his guilt ? Why, " I have but one request to make ; I 
want to surrender my army to the army of His Imperial Majesty 
the Emperor of all the Eussias.'' Casting his eye upon the column 
of serf soldiers, as he subsequently passed in front of it, he observed, 
"What could not be undertaken and executed with such troops? " 

Gorgey admits that he desired the dictatorship for no other pur- 
pose than to enable him to terminate the war, and, accordingly, im- 
mediately after it was bestowed upon him, he addressed letters to the 
cliiferent Magyar commanders, ordering them to lay down their arms 
to the Russians. His letter to Klapka, the commandant of Komorn, 
has been exposed to the public eye, and it contains alone ample proof 
.that he was a betrayer of his country. Of ail the Magyar officers 
taken prisoners not one except himself has yet been pardoned. This 
naturall}'^ occasioned remarks in all circles: but his friends are more 
disposed to applaud the returning prodigal than to conceal the enor- 
mities of the impenitent traitor. 

Haynau in one of his reports states that Gorgey was so completely 
hemmed in at Vilagos that he was forced to surrender. Gorgey 
says, in his letter to Klapka, if he had been attacked he could have 
retired to Transylvania, and, to use his own language, he solemnly 
declared that he would sooner annihilate his whole corps in a des- 
perate battle against whatever superiority than to surrender his arms 
unconditionally to Austrian troops. Here is indubitable testimony, 
if others were wanting, that a formal agreement had been made with 
the Russian general. 

From the time of his leaving Komorn, on the 13th of July, until 
his arrival at Arad, on the 11th of August, Gorgey had transmitted 
no report or other communication to the Government. In fact, after 
his first victories, he disregarded all instructions which were trans- 
mitted to him. This cast a gloom over Ihe hopes of Kossuth when 
all else appeared bright. A distant allusion was made to the cir- 
cumstance in the speech of the minister of the interior, from which 
I have quoted. Kossuth as far back as April penetrated the selfish 
and ambitious designs of Gorgey and was constantly desirous of 
superseding him in his command. Gorgey was aware that his loy- 
alty was suspected, and with a fiendish revenge encouraged, by the 
example of his OAvn acts, disobedience to the civil authorities and 
consequent rebellion in the military ranks. He knew how to value 
the strength which victory had imparted to his name, and he was 
utterly unscrupulous as to the manner of its emplo3mient. That he 
will live in story as the deliberate betrayer of his country to bondage 
when it was bleeding at every pore to be free is as certain as that 
upright states and communities have a paramount interest in repro- 
bating deeds which tend to the abasement of the human character. 

Hungary has been won by vile jiieans, not by those grand exploits 
of pi-owess and skill which rightfully reflect credit on conquerors. 
But false glovy is not always ephemeral or valueless. In the instance 
of the fall of the Magyars it will bo turned to as useful account as 
though it were genuine. Before the departure of his army for Hun- 
gary. Nicholas proclaimed to his " children " that in fulfillment of the 



AFFAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 39 

mission of Russia they were " about to march to put down a rebel- 
lion '' which threatened " the securitj^ of orderly European govern- 
ment/' "Let us take care to discharge our duty. God bless you." 
In his next address to them he exultingly exclaims : 

God lias blessed your manly coiii-age. * * * You have done your duty aud 
the insurrection lias been stifled. The Avhole force of the enemy unconditionally 
laid down its arms before you, and surrendered to our mercy. In the short 
space of two mouths you have captui-ed 400 pieces of artillery and 150 flags, 
besides taking 80,000 prisoners. You have shown yourselves worthy of bearing 
the name of the victorious army of all the Russias. I thank you collectively 
and individually. I am delighted with you. I am proud of you. 

The Russian serf soldier believes that the voice of the Emperor is 
the ^'oice of God, and consequently his highest and constant aspira- 
tions are for praise similar to the above. The superstitious faith 
in the magnificent destines of the colossal Empire, which animates 
the breast of every Sclavic subject — to which the autocrat unceasingly 
administers — will take deeper and deeper root as the result of the 
campaign beyond the Carpathians, thus announced, becomes more 
and inore known. Within the confines of Russia, at least, the glory 
claimed by the Czar will never be questioned. 

The Russian soldier is not onl}' sufficiently brave to fight hard, but 
he has a motive to do so, because every war in which he is engaged 
is a holy one with him. He has no respect for any other mortal than 
his great chief, merely obeying those who interpret to him his will. 
He is kept in such a state of ignorance as to be nothing better than 
a human machine, and hence, notwithstanding his good will, he has 
not the capacity to make himself efficient in a combat where expert 
maneuvering is indispensable to victory. Nor has Russia furnished, 
with the solitary exception of Suvaroff, a general who has deservedly 
earned a high reputation in the field. Paskiewitsch, for his achiev- 
nients on the Theiss, is hereafter to be honored by the army by salu- 
tations identical with those extended to the Emperor. Military 
eyes have searched in vain for evidence of skill in the affairs of 
Erivon and Warsaw on the part of the renowned champion who was 
rewarded with two princedoms. They may search again, but with 
no better success, for the generalship which has secured him in the 
bankruptcy of titles fresh dignities. 

In not formally expressing her disapproval of the policy avowed 
in the manifesto of Nicholas of 14th May last Great Britain either 
misconceived tha nature of the obligations imposed upon her as the 
most liberal and enlightened of the European powers or was ignorant 
of the principles and interests involved in the issue. Had she pro- 
claimed in emphatic language within 24 hours after this manifesto 
reached Downing street that she was prepared to visit an armed 
intervention by any power adverse to Hungary the Czar would 
scarcely have had the temerity to march his army across his frontiers. 
The deplorable omission of such duty changes completely the re- 
lations of power in European states. If the star of England's glory 
shall hereafter be seen descending, the faithful historian will not be 
at a loss to fix the date at which it touched its culminating point. 

It will be recollected that the autocrat, in his manifesto of May 
11, 1848, distinctly stated, in substance, that it was his intention to 
avoid all interference with the domestic concerns of European 
nations; that he should leave to each the right of choosing its own 



4Q AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

form of government ; that he should act upon the defensive, merely 
shielding his own subjects, as far as possible, from the contamination 
of democratic notions. Shocked at the revolutionary demonstra- 
tions which were extending their influence in the direction of his 
dominion, Nicholas was careful in having his pacific purposes not 
only generally understood on this side of the Atlantic, but also in 
the United States. The manifesto of 1848 was received with uni- 
versal favor. It caused the anxious world to breathe easier by dimin- 
ishing, at so portentious a period, the chances of war. 

An eventful, reactionary year closed and Eussia's mask was cast 
off. Prince Louis was President of France. Indications were abun- 
dant that the first legislative assembly of the Republic wovdd be 
monarchical in the extreme. The sagacious autocrat had accurately 
surveyed the space between himself and the incumbent of the presi- 
dential chair. At the presentation of Maximilian Joseph Eugene 
August Napoleon, Duke of Leuchtenberg, at the court of St. Peters- 
burg, upon the occasion of his marriage to the Great Duchess, Nicho- 
las remarked : 

The Bonapartes and Romauows are already related, because their country's 
glory has always been their highest aspiration. 

It was desirable to strengthen the ties of relationship between the 
Bonapartes and Romanows and to augment " their glory." The 
abrogation of struggling infant republics presented a suitable pre- 
text for the realization of these objects. The victorious expedition 
to Rome was quickly followed by the more eminently victorious ex- 
pedition to Hungary. 

Acting in concord, as the cabinet of the Elysee National practically 
w^as wdth the cabinet of St. Petersburg, from what nation, except 
Great Britain, had the autocrat anything to apprehend ? From the 
soi-disant Germany which was brought into existence by the stipen- 
diaries of tottering thrones ? No ! The Frankfort Government 
never had sufficient power, after its high-handed attempt to estab- 
lish an imperial crown, to disperse a country.-town meeting. From 
Prussia ? No ! Frederick William IV was as much interested in the 
subjugation of the Continent to military law as his illustrious brother- 
in-law of the north. It had perhaps been satisfactorily ascertained 
that even Great Britain would interpose no obstacles. Metternich 
had been in England a year, controlling one or more of the leading 
journals and imbuing the public mind with the " beauties of auto- 
cratic doctrines." It was represented that the Magyars were fight- 
ing for democracy in its most Utopian* sense, and that in the event of 
the dismemberment of Austria, England would suffer severely by the 
loss of her old and valuable ally. The liberal party was made to 
believe that the Camarilla aimed solely at unity, regardless of an 
extension of imperial po^er. Lord Palmerston stated, in debate : 

Austria herself has renounced arbitrary government, and has entered the 
ranks of constitutional States. The stei> Avhich sbe has taken can not be re- 
versed, though there is reason to hope that the change may be regulated by 
prudence and moderation. Her Government \Aill itself set an example of im- 
provement and reform ; and it is scarcely possible th.it, with a representative 
legislature she would allow her executive, even if it were so inclined, to im- 
pose upon other countries principles of government diametrically opposite to 
those whicli will be carried into practice in Austria herself. 



APFAIRS OF HUNGAEY, 184&-1850. 41 

In diplomacy the Czar is an overmatch for all the cabinets of 
Europe, particularly if he have Metternich as his instrument. The 
Avorld may possibly yet be informed that the idea of the French 
expedition to Rome originated at St. Petersburg or Brighton, and 
that through St. Petersburg management Great Britan wais, un- 
suspectingly, influenced to tacitly acquiesce in its purposes. If 
Great Britain declined from prudential motived to protest against 
French intervention, with what consistency could she protest against 
the contemplated Russian intervention? Moreover, by committing 
France, nominally a Republic, and placing her in the lead. Great 
Britain would not be disposed, in any event, to make a belligerent 
demonstration. Such reflections as these may have been indulged 
in by the prolific mind of the Czar. Lord Palmerston, awakening 
to the actual condition of things, after all the mischief had been done, 
proposed mediation to Prince Schwarzenberg. He received for 
answer that the Austrian Government would take the liberty of 
inquiring, in a short time, of Great Britain in what manner she 
intended to arrange the Canadian difficulties. 

I can not be mistaken in the supposition that the autocrat and the 
French President have acted throughout understandingly with 
respect to continental questions. Gorgey surrendered on the 13th 
of August. Louis Napoleon's famous letter was written on the 
18tli of that month. The intelligence could not have been con- 
veyed from Vilagos to Paris in five days, and yet it must have been 
known at the Elysee National on the 18th that Russia had accom- 
plished her purpose in Hungary. It is not presumable, judging 
from antecedents, that the liberal opinions expressed to Ney would 
have been communicated to the public while a chance remained for 
the success of the Magyars. I risk nothing in stating that Louis 
Napoleon was authentically informed of the treasonable designs of 
Gorgey, as well as of the precise time at which they would be exe- 
cuted, when his epistle was prepared. He could afford to utter 
generous sentiments after having been instrumental in battling down 
liberty. The cardinals, from the day of their restoration, had been 
in the constant commission of deeds revolting to humanity. Why 
were they, then, not punished or rebuked at the outset? Because 
Russia had not finished her work, if, indeed, Louis Napoleon was 
averse to them, in reality. 

The smaller States of Germany are now to be arranged. AVhether 
they be divided between or taken altogether by Austria or by Prussia 
is of but little moment. The octro^'^e constitution of the one is a3 
objectionable as that of the other. In their operations the provisions . 
of both may be expressed in a dozen words. They notoriously mean 
nothing more than that Francis Joseph and Frederick William, by 
the grace of Nicholas, are absolute, have mighty armies, and exact 
implicit obedience from their subjects. The military strength of 
Russia, Austria, Prussia, and the smaller German States is about 
2,150,000 men, supported at an expense of at least $100,000,000 
annually. This immense army is to be increased (Russia having 
already given an order to that effect with respect to her own), and 
will hereafter be employed, as at present seems certain, in establish- 
ing and sustaining autocratic measure^. If, therefore, Louis Napo- 
leon shall succeed in reestablishing the imperial throne of France, 



42 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

his " relation " will take care that the crown shall be placed on his 
head and kept there. The obliteration of Switzerland may be 
delayed until the constitution of the Republic is formally subverted. 
France will then overtly cooperate with the autocrat, as she has done 
all along under the administration of Louis Napoleon covertly. 
England, by her stupendous blunderg, will cease to be heard upon 
the Continent, nor- is it likely, with such odds against her, that she 
will attempt to make herself felt. How different might have been 
her position ! Before Eussia repaired to the rescue of Austria, Hun- 
garian independence was almost as good as established. 

The autocrat is said to have familiarly remarked to one of our 
representatives near his court : " Your government or mine." I 
imagine that this sentiment has latterly been so changed as not to 
embrace ourselves; for in his manifesto of the 29th ultimo he says : 

Penetrated with gratitude to tlie bestower of all blessings, we exclaim in the 
fulness of our heart, God is with us. Hear it, ye people, and believe it, God is 
truly with us. ' 

As the millenium of autocracy can not occur clruing the existence 
of republics, the Czar in his triumphs, will perhaps regard us as his 
natural enemy. This is the more probable as our country is the 
asylum for the thousands whom his system is driving from their 
homes. In 1823 France drew her sword in the service of the Holy 
Alliance, which aimed not only at perpetuating the then reigning 
dynasties but also entertained, for a time, the notion of regulating 
the balance of power upon the American Continent. She may do 
the same again, without returning it to its scabbard unstained, in the 
service of the autocrat who contemplates the creation of thrones and 
the prostration of republics in Europe, and the waging of an univer- 
sal warfare against the principles of self-government. From Russia 
singly, America has nothing whatever to apprehend. A nation that 
has no navigation can have no mariners and, consequently, the navy 
of the autocrat must continue to be tied up in ordinary, and to rot 
for the want of hands to sail it. Neither Austria nor Prussia have 
any war marine deserving of mention ; that of the former, according 
to an official statement before me, consisting of 3 frigates. 6 corvettes, 
7 brigs, 3 steamers, and 50 gunboats; and the latter of 1 corvette, 3 
steamers — the United States, Arcadia and Britannia — and a few 
small steamboats. 

The steam navy of France is large, but it does not contain half a 
dozen first-rate ships. It might be efficient in coast service, for 
which it was mainly constructed, but it seems to be ill adapted for the 
prosecution of long voyages. The experiment made with the four 
vessels, employed two years ago in trade intercourse with New York, 
was singularly unsuccessful, on account of imperfection in construc- 
tion and machinerj^ 

With such facts before our eyes, if a coalition of the continental 
powers under the direction of the bold and energetic enemy of 
political freedom be formed, no uneasiness need be excited for our 
safety. If we are favored with peace and continued prosperity, in 
a few years we shall be found in the possession of a steam commercial 
marine which can be readily converted into war vessels larger than 
that of all the world beside. Our almost interminable seaboard, 
and its trade, our foreign navigation and commerce, under judicious 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 43 

management, will insure this result. The destiny assigned us is as 
high above the destiny assigned the Cossack's chieftain as Divine 
light is above the regions of infernal darkness. May we never lose 
sight of our true duty by becoming anarchists, monarchists, dis- 
unionists, false philanthropists, socialists, or communists. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 

Your obedient servant. A. Dudley Mann. 

(Mailed at Bremen.) 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extract] 

No. 13.] Paris, Octoher 8, 18/^. 

Hon. John M. Clayton,- 

Secretary of State, Washm.gton. 

Sir: I reached here yesterday. In my communications to you 
from Vienna I deemed it prudent to avoid any mention whatever 
of the nature of my mission. My dispatches were prepared with as 
much caution in this respect, freely as I expressed my opinions and 
views on other subjects, as though they were to be submitted to the 
examination of the Austrian authorities. 

I now rejoice m.ore than ever that the President bestowed upon me 
the appointment of confidential agent, not that I shall derive or am 
entitled to the least degree of fame for the manner in which I have 
discharged my duties, but because I have reason to flatter myself 
that I have been so fortunate as to commit no mistake or impruclence 
calculated to endanger the peace of our country. A more delicate 
or complicated mission, as I saw from the first, was never confided 
even to the most experienced and accomplished diplomatist. The 
smallest of the dangers attendant upon it, in the exasperated state 
of Austria and Russia, at the time of my repairing to Vienna and 
subsequently, were those personal to myself. 

Our charge was not at his post. He was represented by the tutor 
of his children- — a comparatively j^oung and inexperienced Aus- 
trian — who had no other authority from his chief than to verify pass- 
ports. Nor had we a solitary consul in Austria during a great part of 
my stay in Vienna. 

At Berlin, on my route, I took the precaution to have the parcel 
which I received from the department inclosed under the seal of the 
legation of the United States, without explaining, however, the nature 
of ni}^ duties to the legation of the United States at Vienna, and my 
son appointed bearer of dispatches. Fortunately I possessed an old 
passport, authenticated at the legation here more than two years ago, 
with the statement that I was charged by my Government with 
diplomatic functions, and I was thus enabled to cross the Austrian 
frontier without detention, or more than a mere formal examination 
of my baggage. Upon entering Vienna I proceeded, with my son, to 
the legation and deposited there all my official papers. It is proper 
for me to add that I requested the representative of Mr. Stiles to open 
the parcel in order tliat he might see that it contained nothing for 
Mr. S., vdiich being done, it was resealed. I took occasion to remark 
that the documents related to Hungarian affairs and that it was of 



44 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

the utmost importance that they should be kept entirely secure froin 
mortal eye. The correspondence of our charge with the department 
of state was afterwards offered to me for perusal, but under the cir- 
cumstances I concluded to decline an examination of it. 

Although the gentleman intrusted with the legation made rather a 
favorable impression upon me I, nevertheless, was not free from fears 
that he might be induced to betray his trust, particularly as his first 
duty was to his sovereign; but I had no alternative but to commit 
my papers to his care, inasmuch as they would be liable to seizure at 
any moment if they remained in my hands. 

The Government of Hungary had become an itinerant one before 
my commission arrived. In its retreat from Pesth it was without a 
fixed destination, locating itself in the first instance temporarily at 
Szegedin. I consequently determined after getting to Vienna to be 
guilty of no, such indiscretion, unbounded as was my desire for the 
success of the Magyars, as to engage in an attempt, which would 
inevitabl}^ prove abortive, to follow its uncertain movements. I 
conceived that my duties would be better discharged by standing 
still and watching minutely the effect of the events that were trans- 
piring — prepared to act with efficiency at the first propitious mo- 
ment — than by an imprudent risk or premature diplomatic inter- 
course with the Hungarian minister of foreign affairs to furnish 
Austria and Russia with a valid excuse for a quarrel, and perhaps 
casus belli with my country. It is my deliberate belief that during 
the uncertaint}' of the issue of the war, when the two autocratic 
powers were tormented by the sympathetic meetings and other dem- 
onstrations in England and the United States, Nicholas and Francis 
Joseph were anxious for a suitable pretext to terminate their ami- 
cable relations with us, such as would have been afforded them by a 
knowledge of the existence of my appointment, instructions, etc. The 
uniform policj^ of our Government in relation to nations struggling 
for freedom and independence, not unknown at St. Petersburg and 
Vienna, doubtless led the Czar and his youthful ally to contemplate 
the likelihood of such a mission as that with which I was charged, 
and to arrange their plans for preventing its execution accordingly. 
For what purpose was Mr. Bodisco stationed at Berlin and the Chev- 
alier Hulsemann at Vienna while hostilities were pending? Evi- 
dently to prevent, if possible, our moral intervention in behalf of 
Hungary. 

I was disposed to proceed direct from Vienna to Florence, and so 
informed you, but as soon as I ascertained that Mr. Stiles — whom I 
had been anxiously expecting for some time — would not resume his 
duties, and that the archives of the legation were to be left with 
Mr. Schwartz, I resolved to revisit Paris. After what I had heard 
from reliable sources, together with that which passed under my own 
eyes, concerning this functionary, I was quite unwilling to place such 
documents as mine in his possession, and I deemed it hazardous to 
bear them with me to Tuscany. Moreover, I was not sure that I 
would be permitted to reside in Florence, until I could hear from 
you, Avithout satisfying the authorities that I was called there for an 
ostensible object. 

Before closing my correspondence in connection with my mission 
I conceived it to be proper to lay before you, as explanatory of the 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 45 

embarrassing position in which I was placed from the commence- 
ment, the preceding statements and remarks. 
I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State., 

[Extract.] 

No. 14.] VAms, October 15,. 18 If9. 

Sir : Before quitting Vienna I stated to you that the prospect was 
somewhat favorable for an early abandoimient of the tobacco regie 
system in Austria. I now proceed to detail such information, in 
connection with the subject, as I suppose may be employed by the 
Government with advantage, in contributing to the accomplishment 
of an object so vastly important to our country's interests. 

The Austrian Empire, it may be well for me to state at the com- 
mencement, contains at the present time, as nearly as can be cor- 
rectly ascertained, 35,375,000 inhabitants, 15,000,000 of whom are 
embraced in Hungary (including Transylvania, Croatia, Dalmatia, 
the Military Boundarv, and the Coast land) ; 4,6^5,000 in Galicia ; 
4,250,000 in Bohemia? 2,300,000 in Moravia and Silesia; 2,400,000 
in the lower and upper archduchies of Austria proper; 1,000,000 in 
Styria ; 900,000 in Tyrol and Voralberg ; and 4,850,000 in Lombardy 
and Venice. This population is composed of 16,000,000 Sclaves; 
7,000,000 Germans; 4,700,000 Magyars; 5,000,000 Italians; 2,000,000 
Wallachians; 500,000 Jev\^s; 150,000 gypsies; 15,000 Armenians; 
5,000 Greeks; and 5,000 French and Osmans. 

The annual average yield of tobacco in Austria is estimated at 
79.000,000 pounds. The plant is not permitted to be grown else- 
where in the realm than in Hungary, Galicia, Tyrol, and Venice. 
In Hungary, alone, it is free from the surveillance of the regie ; and 
there, peculiarly favored by climate and soil, it is the leading agri- 
cultural staple, the product amounting to 68,000,000 pounds annu- 
ally, one-third of which is disposed of to the Austrian regie, another 
exported to foreign countries, and the other consumed at home. In 
Galicia the climate is too cold and otherwise unsuitable for enlarged 
or successful tobacco growing. The product, all of which is pur- 
chased by the regie, is about 9,000,000 pounds per annum. In Tyrol 
and Venice the regie is so exacting of the cultivator as to cause its 
officers to count every plant before the crop matures. 

In the reorganization of the Empire — which from a destitution of 
homogeneous population has been miraculously preserved from dis- 
memberment — it is a primary consideration, as I understand, with 
the Government to establish a system of commerce and revenue that 
Avill be uniform in its operations upon the different ci-devant king- 
doms, archduchies, principalities, counties, etc. The want of such 
an one palpably contributed to increase the prejudices of one nation- 
ality against another, and to add to the just dissatisfaction of each 
with Metternich and the Camarvilla. The continuance of the to- 
bacco regie presents insurmountable obstacles to the adoption of 
measures calculated to secure to the governed equality in taxation 
and privileges. To place Hungary under the regie is admitted to be 



46 AFFAIES OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 

impossible, unless soldiers shall be quartered in the house of every 
planter. From his habitual freedom to the uge of his pipe the Hun- 
garian, from time immemorial, has regarded tobacco as indispen- 
sable to his existence: It is computed that male adults, in the aggre- 
gate, consume annually about 6^ pounds each. The regie realizes a 
profit of 10 cents on every pound of smoking tobacco, and conse- 
quently, if its operations v/ere extended to Hungary, each smoker 
woukrbe subjected to a new annual tax — to say nothing of others — 
of 65 cents upon his tobacco, thus causing a drain of $2,000,000 
more, unless consumption should be diminished, than was required 
heretofore, for the sustenance of the monarchy. The value of an aver- 
age tobacco crop in Hungary, before it is conveyed from the estates 
producing it, may be stated at about $2,750,000. The industry en- 
gaged in the cultivation of the staple is as amply remunerated for its 
labor as that employed in any other agricultural avocation. 

Austria realizes annually a revenue from the tobacco regie of 
$7,500,000, less by one-half than is derived from a similar source in 
France and by two-thirds than Great Britain collects from import 
duties on tobacco. This sum she can not aiford to lose in the pres- 
ent state of her finances, or she can not afford to lose -in the pres- 
monopoly, inasmuch as it is excessively odious to the military. In 
the States of the Zollverein of Germany, which contain a population 
of about 28,000,000 and which produce more than three-fourths of 
the quantity of tobacco produced in all Austria, the receipt of cus- 
toms upon unmanufactured tobacco, under a specific duty of $3.35 
per 100 pounds, amounted in 1846 — the latest official report that I 
have seen — to $1,776,774, and upon "manufactured or in rolls,'^ 
cigars, and snuff, under a duty ranging from $7 to $9.50 per 100 
pounds, $541,948. In most, if, indeed, not all, the provinces of 
Austria the fondness of the people for the pipe equals that of those 
in the embraces of the Zollverein, while their ability to enjoy it, if 
the price of tobacco were as moderate, is much greater. Therefore 
even under such a tariff in Austria as is in force in the ZoUverein-- 
supposing the cultivation to remain the same in Hungary, Galicia, 
Tyrol, and Venice (and it is not likely to be increased) — the Empire, 
with a population one-fifth larger than the States composing the 
Zollverein. might calculate with certainty upon raising a revenue of 
$2,882,266 from the article. If to this be added the cost of main- 
taining the regie in its existing form, the actual loss to the treasury 
would perhaps not exceed $3,000,000. The question that will nat- 
urally suggest itself to the Government of Austria in the event of a 
resolution for the discontinuance of the monopoly is, under what 
import duty on tobacco can the largest revenue be secured? This 
inquiry a well-informed charge of the United States could, unob- 
trusively, assist in solving, and with singular benefit to his country,, 
particularly in the deficiency of practical financiers and sound polit- 
ical economists at Vienna. The Zollverein tariff, as. is admitted even 
by Prussian functionaries, is not the most favorable that could be 
adopted as relates to tobacco for revenue purposes, while it is noto- 
riously unjust in its operations upon our product, as may be eluci- 
dated by a single statement : 

A poimd of Cuba tobacco, worth from $1 to $1.50 per poimd, is 
submitted to no higher impost than a pound of Maryland, Ohio, 
Virginia, or Kentucky tobacco, the value of which is from 3 to 6' 



AFFAIES OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 47 

cents per pound. If we could influence Austria, by fair argument, 
to establish an ad valorem duty of 25 or at most 30 per cent, upon 
unmanufactured tobacco, I am quite confident, that she Avould not 
only be benefited herself , in realizing the highest attainable custom- 
house revenue on the article, but that we should enjoy a vastly 
extended market in that Empire for our staple. The Hungarian 
tobacco, which is only suited to the pipe, does not compete success- 
fully with ours in any of the European markets, and if it were pro- 
tected by a 25 or 30 per cent ad valorem duty, the consumption of the 
yield of Maryland and Ohio would, notwithstanding, so universally 
popular is it with smokers, be upon an extended scale in Austria. 
It has, heretofore, been in general use in the free port of Trieste and 
the recent free port of Venice. 

The contemplated financial and commercial system of Austria, 
if it shall be judiciously arranged, will, in all probability, be adopted, 
as far as it can be made applicable, in the Italian peninsula, Pied- 
mont, and the German States. No one of the governments, in fact, 
which were convulsed by the revolutionary movement of last year 
seems to have determined definitely upon its financial and commercial 
policy yet. The King of Naples, the Pope, and the Grand Duke of 
Tuscan}^ were represented, before I left Vienna, as anxiously await- 
ing a demonstration on the part of Austria, in order to shape their 
system in conf ormit}^ therewith. It is not only important to Austria 
that all nationalities within her limits shall be speedily obliterated 
and her subjects in each division made to harmonize by like privi- 
leges, or like oppressions, extending over all, but it is also deemed 
necessary, in order to the establishment of durable order and its less 
difficult preservation, that the Italian and German subjects of 
Francis Joseph shall have no cause to complain that the subjects 
of Italian and German princes are under gentler or more just rule 
than themselves. In the consummation of this measure no ameliora- 
tions are designed for the governed, though slight pecuniary ones, 
in some instances, may result from it. 

Under existing circumstances it is scarcely possible that an accred- 
ited agent to the Government of Tuscany could succeed in negotiat- 
ing a treaty with that Grand Duchy to which the other States of the 
peninsula would accede, of an advantageous nature, but he could, 
perhaps, serve our interests as well by furnishing arguments to the 
Grand Duke, which, from his generous commercial sentiments, he 
might be disposed to employ, in reference to our tobacco interests, 
.with Austria. 

Our navigation, in its intercourse with Austria, is on as good a foot- 
ing ag we could reasonably desire. We carry about 38 times as much 
to Austrian ports as Austria carries to our ports, while Austria carries 
about 35,000 tons more per annum to British ports than Great Britain 
carries to Austrian ports. The commercial marine of Austria meas- 
ures about 225,000 tons, numbers 6,000 vessels, and employs 27,000 
seamen ; 600 vessels, measuring 175,000 tons, are engaged in trade 
with foreign countries, chiefly with Turkey; 3,000, measuring 
60,000 tons, engaged in the coasting trade, and 2,400 engaged in the 
home fisheries. The annual increase of tonnage in the first class of 
vessels is about 3,500 tons. 

Austria imports from the United States 25,000,000 pounds cotton 
woo] per annum, and from all other countries 16,000,000 pounds. She 



48 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

has 190 cotton spinneries, with 1,130,000 spindles, which give active 
employment to 25,000 hands and produce annually 37,000,000 pounds 
twist. The duty on cotton wool is about 30 cents per 100 pounds; 
on twist, $5.50. 

Austria, as she now exists, can never consume largely of our prod- 
ucts, except cotton, wool, and tobacco. Nor should we have gained 
anything, commercially, by the establishment of Hungarian inde- 
pendence. The produce of the soil of the United States and of Hun- 
gary is quite similar, with the exception of the cotton plant and the 
sugar cane. Hungary yields annually about 25,000,000 lower Austria 
metzen wheat; 20,000,000 rye; 30,000,000 oats; 23,000,000 barley; 
17,000,000 Indian corn; 10,000 centurs rice; 27,000 eimers wine; 
68,000,000 pounds tobacco. As before stated, 50,000,000 centurs 
hay, 350,000 centurs wool, a few thousand pounds silk, 11,000,000 
cords (Austrian measure) wood. The mines jdeld 3,100 marks gold, 
69,287 marks silver, 493 marks quicksilver, 39,017 centurs copper, 
27,000 lead, 300 zinc, 425,000 iron, 9,000 antimony, 17,000 alum, 
800,000 stone coal. When the last census was taken the number of 
horses was 1.000,000; of horned cattle, 4,260,000; of sheep, 
17,000,000 ; hogs, 4,000,000. I know of no article that we could have 
sold to Hungary to advantage in its raw state, nor of any one that 
we could have bought from her. Most, if not all, of the manufac- 
tures that she would have required she could have procured elsewhere 
on better terms than in the United States. Her interest, as is seen, 
being essentially agricultural, without manufactories of any descrip- 
tion deserving of mention, she might have been an invaluable com- 
mercial ally to England. I may add that Hungary proper contains 
not an inch of seaboard. Fiume (an insecure harbor), Bucari, and 
Porto Re are situated in Croatia; and Zara, Spalato, Ragusa, and 
Cattaro in Dalmatia. If the Magyars had been successful, even with 
Croatia and Dalmatia embraced in their natural bounds, we could 
not under the most favorable treaty stipulations have enjoyed an 
extended direct navigation with them nor a more profitable trian- 
gular one, proportionably, than we now enjoy with Austria. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extract] 

No. 15.] Paris, Ootoler 25, 18^9. 

Hon. John M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Sir : The copy of the National Intelligencer containing the French 
correspondence, transmitted to me b^' the department, was received 
on the 18th instant. 

I entirely concur in opinion with the President as to the necessity 
which existed for the prompt dismission of the minister of France.^ 

1 M. Poussin. The Secrotary of State declined to hold any further correspondence 
with him Septeml)er 14, 1840. M. Poussin was replaced by M. Sain de Boislecointe. 
who presented credentials March 18, 1850. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 49 

This procedure was demanded by national self-respect; it was de- 
manded as a salutary rebuke for palpable departures from diplomatic 
proprieties ; it was demanded " to preclude opportunities which 
might be again abused " for manifesting intentional discourtesy to 
the Government of the United States. 

Whatever the efforts to restore the accredited functionary of 
France to his former position, the President, in my opinion, should 
resolutely decline a renewal of official intercourse with him. Were we 
to make the slightest concessions to France in this instance, the rep- 
resentatives of imperious and presumptuous powers, and even those 
of puny States, might avail themselves of the precedent to wantonly 
address, on the most trivial occasions, offensive statements and 
remarks to our G'overnment. While I am not a stickler for a rigid 
observance of diplomatic etiquette, I am, nevertheless, desirous that 
our own correspondence with foreign nations shall be characterized 
by temperate, courteous, and dignified language. Nothing was ever 
gained in negotiation by the emploj^'ment of disrespectful or re- 
proachful terms. The suaviter in modo is invariably more effective 
than the lortiter in re. This is the first and most important of all 
lessons for those who go abroad to represent their country ; and our 
own public servants should learn it well, in order that we may not 
only increase our fame and our usefulness, but that we may also 
furnish no example hereafter, by inconsiderate indiscretions, to iras- 
cible and inexperienced diplomats residing near our Government. 

The appointment of Mr. Rives, as I foresaw from the first, was an 
unfortunate one. To make an}^ concession to the French Govern- 
ment for the purpose of securing his reception would be to commit a 
serious blunder. Mr. De Tocqueville has perhaps prior to this pro- 
posed to the President that before diplomatic relations can be regu- 
larly resumed between the two countries Mr. Poussin must be rees- 
tablished in his position or another minister accredited to France; 
that although Mr. P.'s notes to yourself contained objectionable ex- 
pressions, yet they were not really more offensive than the terms 
used by Mr, R. in his correspondence with the minister of foreign 
affairs of France in 1830; and that if the former rendered himself 
obnoxious to the Government of the United States there is no reason, 
acting under similar considerations, why the latter should not be 
obnoxious to the Government of France, Thus the recognition of 
Mr. Rives would be consequent upon the rerecognition of Mr. Poussin. 
Does the President desire the reception of Mr. Rives upon conditions 
so adverse to the elevated principle upon which he now stands in the 
affair? Would he submit to a wrong after having nobly sustained 
himself in a right? I can not be mistaken, in the event of such an 
issue, as to the course he would adopt. ' 

Even had the relations of the French minister with our Govern- 
ment continued perfectly harmonious Mr. Rives couJd neither have 
been a popular nor a successful minister here. This was indicated 
to me in a distinct manner in a conversation which I had with an 
intelligent country gentleman, in an adjoining department, as far 
back as May. He asked who, in the change of administration, would 
be the successor of Mr, Rush. I replied, Mr. Rives most probably. 
" Comment," inquired he, " I'homme qui nous a trompes et qui s'en est 
S. Doc. 282, 65-2 4 



50 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

vante ensuite?" What, the man' who deceived us and afterwards 
boasted of it? — alluding to the assertions contained in Mr. K.'s dis- 
patch to Mr. Livingston of July 8, 1831. This dispatch, I may add, 
is at present the subject of conversation in all well-informed political 
circles. 

It is proper for me to state, after having so frankly expressed my 
views upon so delicate a matter, that I never communicated with 
anyone touching the appointment of Mr. Rives except a devoted 
friend of yours at Washington, to whom I wrote in June, and I 
request him, by the steamer which conveys this, to place my note 
before you for perusal. 

I understand that the French cabinet complains of the publication 
of the correspondence under the circumstances. This is natural 
enough, inasmuch as public men have rarely sufficient nerve to face 
their mistakes when clearly revealed to the world. The note of Mr. 
De Tocqueville to Mr. Rush is not calculated to win a reputation for 
the writer as a diplomatist. Of one thing you may be assured : The 
notion of a war with the United States is nowhere entertained among 
the French. The Government, whether it be nominally republican, 
or autocratic, will have quite enough to do to take care of itself for 
the next five years, if not the next five hundred, without seeking a 
casus belli with a nation so peaceably disposed and friendly as the 
United States. 

- Austria and Prussia have, conjointlj^, established a federal author- 
ity for Germany in conformity with the plan proposed by the former, 
an outline of which I furnished you in m.j number 10. The Arch- 
duke Alfred of Austria has been placed in command of the fortress 
of Mayence in virtue of this arrangement. The King of Hanover, 
standing upon his reserved rights, under the treaties of 1815, pro- 
tests against any usurpation of power so dangerous to the sovereignty 
of his realm. Frederick William replies that, notwithstanding he 
considers that these treaties are still obligatory, the Germanic Diet, 
which they provided for. has lost its authority and it can not be 
reestablished. 

Yesterday I casually met with Count Teleki, the late accredited 
rninister of Hungary to France, for the first time. Clasping my 
hand between his he exclaimed : " I can not be mistaken in the suppo- 
sition that there was one magnaminous nation prepared to aclniowl- 
edge my dear countr3% as soon as circumstances would possibly 
admit." With a heart bleeding for the wrongs and sorrows of his 
compatriots I could reply in no other manner than bj^ bowing affima- 
tively. From the day that my commission reached me I studiously 
avoided interviews with the Magyars, resolving that my first should 
be with their secretary of foreign affairs. In the first place, with all 
my sj^mpathies inordinately excited for their cause, I feared that I 
might be misle'd by their plausible enthusiasm. In the second, if 
any calamity should befall me, in the prosecution of my duties, I 
was unwilling that it should be attributable in any degree — to the 
prejudice of my Government — to indiscreet intercourse with or 
inconsiderate zeal for the struggling patriots. * . * * 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 51 

Mr. Mann to the Seci^etary of State. 

[Received NovemlDer.] 

^^ Ig J Paris, October 29, 181^9. 

Sir • Tidings have just been received by me from Vienna which I 
consider entitled to credit, that Austria had given instructions^ to her 
plenipotentiaries who were about to repair to Frankfort for the pui- 
pose of adjusting definitely the question of the authority of the Con- 
federation to consent to an abandonment of her Tobacco Regie if it 
should be ascertained that it interposed any obstacles to the estab- 
lishment of a commercial union between that Empire and the btates 
which constitute the Zollverein and the German coast btates. My 
dispatches must have prepared you for this agreeable intelligence, 
from my statements on the subject both before and since my return 
to Paris The contemplated measure is more important than any 
that has occurred on the Continent for a number of years, as relates 
to American interests, and I need not remark that we should leave 
no efforts untried to cohsumraate and turn it to the most valuable ac- 

^^The Austrian Empire, Prussia, and the German States and the 
Italian States contain in the aggregate about 87,000,000 inhabitants. 
If a commercial union be formed under the auspices of Austria, ex- 
tending over her Provinces and the sovereignties of, Germany, tne 
States of the Italian Peninsula— such is the influence which the Gov- 
ernment of Francis Joseph exercises upon each—with perhaps 
Sardinia, will unite without unnecessary delay m a smn ar it not an 
identical system. By judicious management I think it likely that we 
may succeed in getting the import duty on tobacco established m all 
the States designated at 30 per cent ad valorem. The primary con- 
sideration in fixing the rate of customhouse import will be to realize 
the largest obtainable amount of revenue from the article; and 1 be- 
lieve it is susceptible of demonstration that a tariff of 2o or at most 
30 per cent will operate the most favorably for this object. With 
such a duty as the latter, even, we could safely calculate "pon a con- 
sumption of our product of 1* pounds per annum or 130.^0,000 
pounds-equal to 130,500 hogsheads. This would be withm 5,262 
hogsheads of the entire export of our staple m 1847 

Cotton wool, in all probability, would be permitted to enter the 
commercial union duty free; while the duty on twist as a measure 
of protection for domestic industry, would be made to conform to 
the existing duty on the article in Austria. This would operate most 
in^urioush to Great Britain. It would deprive the Manchester 
manufacturers, almost exclusively, of the lucrative markets which 
they at present enjoy for 75,000,000 pounds cotton yarn annually. 

the transit duties and river tolls would, as a consequence ot the 
commercial union, be abolished on all our products, from the North 
Sea to the Adriatic and from the Lake of Constance to the Baltic 

France could not long resist the influences which might be brougM 
to bear upon her for the relinquishment of the tobacco monopoly, it 
Austria, Prussia, and the German States should unite m a commercial 
bond and establish a moderate tariff upon the article. The govern- 
ment in future, whatever its form, can have no security for a day s 
existence except that which is derivable from the army. The army, 



52 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

therefore, must be favored whatever the cost. Now there is scarcely 
a soldier in its ranks who does not consider tobacco essential to his 
ordinary enjoyments, and who is not conscious that the price of it is 
unjustly clear. I risk nothing in stating that if a manifestation 
should proceed from the military against the regie — such as would 
likely transpire if autocratic nations should abandon the traffic in 
the staple and substitute a moderate duty — France would be com- 
pelled to yield to its demands. 

While I am quite confident that there is not a government in Eu- 
rope which is disposed to make any amelioration in its system of 
duties on our products, in a sense of reciprocity for our liberal tariff 
on its manufactures, I am. nevertheless, certain that we may furnish 
arguments to the advocates of commercial reforms which they may 
employ advantageously with their opponents, and consequently with 
benefit to our interest^'. The fact can not be concealed, that there is 
a wonderful degree of ignorance concerning financial and commer- 
cial subjects in continental Europe. 

It may, possibly, be supposed, from the frequency with which I 
recur to the matter, that I attach an undeserved importance to an 
extension of the consumption of our early staple in Europe. To 
remove such an impression, if it exist, I need only state that the 
plant is grown in every State and Territory in the Union, that its 
production, as a staple, is confined to no section, that it matures as 
perfectly in the valleys of the Connecticut and Muskingum Rivers 
as in those of the James and Missouri, and that its cultivation, 
with remunerating prices, may be largely augmented and with profit 
to all other industrial pursuits. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dtjdley Mann. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

Paeis, November i, 181^8. 

Dear Sir : The Chambers of Tuscany are to convene on the 1st of 
January. Hence it is important, in the event of your having deter- 
mined upon my mission to the Tuscan Government that I should 
reach Florence prior to that time. 

Without being overconfident that the tobacco monopoly will be 
abandoned by Austria, I can not but regard the indications as highly 
encouraging that such a measure will be adopted. The opinions and 
views which, through my unknown instrumentality, were communi- 
cated to the public on the subject, during my sojourn in Vienna, 
were fortunately in reagon, and engaged, as I understood, the serious 
consideration of the cabinet. 

If the coast states of Germany consent to join Austria in a com- 
mercial league they will be disposed to insist on a low tobacco duty ; 
and as far as we could do so prudently, we should endeavor to influence 
them to be resolute in their demands. I should like to be at Frank- 
fort when the question is taken into consideration. This will not 
probably occur until toward the beginning of June. By that time 
I could complete the duties of the proposed mission to Tuscany, 
Greece, and Switzerland. 



AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 53 

Much credit would be due to the administration, if through its 
agency it should succeed in abolishing the tobacco regie of Austria. 
Is it necessary that I should assure you of my willingness to work, 
incessantly, for the accomplishment of an object, promisnig so much 
immediate and prospective good for our country? France would 
doubtless soon be forced to follow the example of her future auto- 
cratic ally, after which we could possibly operate upon Great Britain 
to reduce, to a reasonable standard, her enormous import duty on 
the staple. Energy and adroit informal diplomacy would enable us 
to succeed. 

The continued uniformity of the French journals in the observance 
of silence, in relation to the dismission of Mr. Poussm, would in- 
dicate that they studiously avoid an allusion to the matter. This, 
however, is not the case. They are occupied with subjects of a graver 
nature. A difficulty with the United States is not desired by politi- 
cians of any shade from rouge to blanc. 

The position which the President assumed on account of the offi- 
cial impertinence of the French minister to yourself, will be as memo- 
rable in the annals of diplomacy, if it remains unchanged, as it is 
honorable to our Government. It is a spectacle replete with beauties 
for courteous well-intentioned States to witness a young self-govern- 
ing nation, rebuking, in dignified language, a power which before 
and since the days of Talleyrand has regarded itself as the diplomat 
par excellence of the universe, for gross international discourtesies 
committed through her representative and his principal. 

Mr. Eives favored me two days since with a visit of half an hour's 
duration. He was not communicative nor was I inquisitive with re- 
spect to his reception. Mr. R. is admirably calculated to make 
excellent impressions everywhere, and eminently qualified to serve 
his country with ability abroad. But I can not dismiss my fears that 
the sphere of his usefulness will be exceedingly contracted in France, 
in the event of his recognition. 

The letter of the President of the Republic to the president of the 
assembly is virtually a proclamation of war against the majority of 
the legislature. This majority, headed by Thievo, Mole, andMonta- 
lembert, has recentlv been actuated by but a sohtary idea— the res- 
toration of the crown to the Bourbon family. It is understood that 
some time in August last, the former antagonistic branches of the 
Bourbons came to an amicable understanding with reference to their 
pretensions to the throne in the event of its reconstruction. Louis 
Philippe consented to relinquish his own right to it, together with 
that of his sons and grandsons in favor of the Count of Chambord 
at whose death or abdication it was to revert to the Count of Pans. 
Louis Napoleon at the first intimation, arranged himself against this 
scheme. To weaken the monarchical coalition in the assembly, occa- 
sioned by the definitive arrangement between the Bourbons, he pre- 
pared his celebrated Nay letter, in which there was an abandonment 
of his Roman policy. The adoption by an overwhelming vote of 
the report of Thieos, in behalf of the Pope, Avas considered as con- 
demnatory of the principles expressed in that letter, and a great 
triumph for the Bourbonests. Louis Napoleon now falls back upon 
the vote of 10th December, as the test of the strength of the Bona- 
partests and makes a direct issue with the majority, placing himself 
at the head of a ministry which harmonizes in all his views. He dis- 



54 AFFAIRS OF KUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 

tinctl}^ enough tells the assemblj^ what its duties are, and that 'they 
can not be discharged unless it unite itself " in the national thought 
of which the election of the executive power has been the expression." 
A conflict between the executive and legislature is, consequently, 
inevitable and speedy, and the one or the other will have to succumb. 
I incline to the belief that Louis Napoleon will be triumphant, in 
which event he will be proclaimed Emperor of France. 
I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Received Dec. 3, 1849.] 
No. 17.] 

Paris, Novemher 8, 184^. 

Sir: Another great national crisis is evidently approaching in 
France. Nothing short of miracles, I fear, can now save the Eepub- 
lic. The early restoration of the Empire seems to admit of no rea- 
sonable doubt. Indeed, before this reaches its destination the incum- 
bent of the jlllysee may be seated on an imperial throne. A suitable 
occasion — sucli as would be furnished hj a vote of the assembly ad- 
verse to a ministerial measure — is alone requii-ed to insure a con- 
summation of the event. This may not occur immediately but occur 
it unquestionably will sooner or later. 

Paris and the fortresses in its environs contain more than 100,000 
troops of the line. These troops, so complete is military rule have 
the power of giving to France any form of government which they 
may designate. Louis Napoleon, from recent demonstrations, is their 
idol. With their affections thus warmly enlisted nothing is more easy 
than for them to concentrate, at a notice of an hour or two, in the 
Place Concorde, or elsewhere, proclaim him Emperor, conduct him to 
the Tuilleries, and dissolve the assembly. No formidable resistance 
will be made to a procedure of the kind. In fact there is no force 
anywhere to offer physical opposition. The republican Cavaignac, 
from his singleness of honest purpose, commands no strength. The 
Mountain, that which is left of it. is alike destitute of leaders and 
arms. The revolution, consequently, can not be otherwise than an 
utterly bloodless one. 

The reaction in continental Europe commenced with the election 
of Louis Napoleon to the constituent assembly, the retrogradation, 
the day that the Cossacks war horse crossed the Hungarian frontier. 
The former has already virtually attained the goal which it was in 
pursuit of. To what point the latter will extend itself, is a ques- 
tion which the most f arsighted statesman is incapable of answering. 
The bayonet has been made omnipotent. Justice bows to its heartless 
majesty. Reason submits to its unrighteous decisions. Mercy pleads 
in vain to its remorseless ferocity. 

As sure as truth and light emanate from Divinity, so sure will a 
day of retribution arrive for the hypocritical monarchists of France 
and the potentates of those realms, who, inflated by a restoration of 



AFFAIES OF HUNGAEY, 1849-1850. 55 

authority, have deliberately caused multitudinous massacres for opin- 
ion's sake merely. But that day is apparently remote, and its dawn 
may not be hailed, perhaps, until many of the more aged friends of 
rational political freedom shall have passed away from earth. 

You may rely with entire certainty upon the preservation of the 
general peace of Europe. There is not a speck of war, as far as my 
vision extends, upon the political horizon. The autocrat, seeing his 
principles in the ascendent, on the Continent, has nothing to fight for. 
His dispute with the Sultan, which from the first meant nothing, has 
been adjusted. Austria, Prussia, France, etc., have adopted, in all 
its rigor, his despotic military system, and could not, if they would 
engage in hostilities against him or against one another. Great Brit- 
ain can no longer have a voice in the arrangement of continental 
questions. Her influence is gone. She must confine her operations, 
henceforth, to the seas and her colonies. 

The aggregate debt of the European States, with the loans pro- 
posed and likely to be contracted, is about $9,000,000,000. The an- 
nual interest on this amount may be stated at $375,000,000, which has 
to be provided by a population of 235,000,000 inhabitants — more 
than $1.50 per head — in addition to the enormous revenue required 
for ordinary governmental expenses. Repudiation (which would re- 
sult in anarchy) or continued tranquility is thus imposed on powers 
which heretofore have been anxious for an excuse to draw the sword. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully. 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Extract.] 

No. 18.] Paris, November 15, 18Jt9. 

Sir : Austria continues to manifest an earnest desire to establish a 
German conmiercial union. She now proposes that a congress of 
delegates, selected by the different States, shall assemble at the 
earliest convenient period for the purpose. Should this occur, we 
ought to be prepared to employ all the means at our disposal to secure 
the admission of our staples at low rates. We should find useful 
auxiliaries in Hanover, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and the 
Hanse-Towns. 

The treasury of Tuscany appears to be in an exceedingly embar- 
rassed condition. In his extremities to replenish it the Grand Duke 
proposes to pledge, as collateral securit}^ for a loan of $1,000,000, the 
proceeds, as they may accrue, from the tobacco regie. I still think, 
however, that the commercial system of Tuscany will be made to 
conform to that of Austria as soon as the latter is definitely arranged. 

Metternich has removed from Brighton to Brussels. He is within 
10 hours of Paris, with which he can communicate twice a da3^ His 
departure from Brighton occurred about the time that the daily 
steam intercourse between that port and Dieppe was suspended. 
Another revolution in France, and the arch diplomat can return in 
triumph to Vienna. This revolution, under the counsels of an abler 
head, he is hastening. His is now located on the direct line from this 



56 APFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

metropolis to St. Petersburg. But I was sufficiently explicit, in 
relation to the potency of his voice at the Elysee, in my No. 12. 

The last Liverpool steamer doubtless carried the intelligence across 
the water of the reception of Mr. Eives by the President of this 
Republic. I was not advised, however, of what had transpired until 
after I mailed my last number. In fact, the interview took place only 
two or three hours before the post with the steamer's letters started. 
The speech of Mr. Rives, upon the occasion, appeared in Galignani, 
The Press, and other journals on the morning of the 9th, unaccom- 
panied, to my great surprise, by any reply from the President, On 
the 11th the Monitor published a statement, VN^-hich may be considered 
official, and which certainly has not been contradicted, of the senti- 
ments expressed by the executive to our minister during the audience 
which he gave to him. This statement will, of course, reach you 
through other channels, but as I have it before me I transmit it 
herewith. 

I never examined any correspondence more carefully or more 
dispassionately than that between yourself and the two diplomatic 
functionaries of France, and I am entirely confirmed in the belief, as 
I have been all along, that the dismission of Mr. Poussin by the 
President was not only imperiously demanded by a due respect for 
our national honor but that every sentence contained in your notes 
to himself and Mr. de Tocqueville was eminently just and proper. 
Viewing the matter in this light, I was amazed at the declaration of 
the President of France that it was but just to admit that wrongs 
were committed on both sides, and still more amazed that the 
accredited representatives of the United States should cordially 
approve — even in its connection — of such declaration. I conceive 
the expression of the President of the French to be quite as gratuitous 
as those employed by Mr. de Tocqueville in his celebrated note to 
Mr. Rush, and really more objectionable on account of its emanating 
from a higher authority. 

I inclose^ Kossuth's farewell address to Hungary. You will 
find that it corroborates the opinions which I advanced respecting 
Gorgey in my despatch of September 27. It is touchingly beautiful, 
and can not fail to cause every generous reader of it to heave a sigh 
and shed a tear for the exiled patriot. Kossuth seems to have hoped 
on to the last that Turkey, backed by France and Great Britain, 
would engage in hostilities with Russia and Austria, and that in con- 
sequence his country would rise again. For this reason he was unwill- 
ing to quit Widdin until a few days since. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. DuDXJET Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

No. 19.] Paris, November 22, 1849. 

Sir : Many of the European States will be prepared by the 1st of 
January to engage in the indirect carrying to and from the port of 

1 The inclosure being merely a French translation, the transmission of a copy of it 
is omitted. 



AFFAIES OF HUJSTGARY, 1849-1850. 57 

Great Britain on the terms provided for by the act of Parliament of 
last session. Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Mecklenburg- Schwerin, 
Hanover, Oldenburg, and the Hanseatic Kejjublics will, unquestion- 
able, assimulate the British flag with their own in this branch of 
navigation. Indeed, in several of those States discriminating duties 
are not levied at present, nor have they been heretofore, upon the 
vessels or their cargoes of any foreign country. Austria and Russia 
will also reciprocate with Great Britain, and possibly Belgium. 
Holland, it is presumable, will not be disposed to change her exist- 
ing navigation and commercial system, as such a procedure would im- 
pair the revenue which she derives from her colonial possessions and 
result otherwise injurious to her interests. Her India products are 
conveyed to Amsterdam and Rotterdam exclusively in her own bot- 
toms, where they are brought into m.arket under governmental regu- 
lations, and from those places exported to other countries in such 
vessels as are entitled by treaty stipulations to carry them, Holland 
claims to be the country of growth of that which is grown in Java, 
and monopolizing the traffic in the staples of that island, she will 
hesitate long before she will consent to let coffee be carried from 
Batavia to New York in a British ship. At this time there are no 
reliable indications that France seriously contemplates a change of 
her navigation laws. The President, it is true, has repeatedly spoken 
and written of commercial " ameliorations," which he designed, but 
his statements contained nothing of a distinctive nature upon the 
subject. He will not probably be more specific in his views until a 
change of the form of govermnent is consummated. 

The liberal provisions of the British na^dgation act are calculated 
to create an impression adverse to a revision of our own legislation 
with reference to foreign navigation, and may contribute to the defeat 
of an object so much required for a more complete development of 
our prosperity — as pointed out in one or more of my dispatches. I 
think that Great Britain committed precisely such a mistake as we 
committed ourselves in permitting illiberal States, which have vir- 
tually no ports, and but little legitimate commerce, to trade with her 
from all ports of the world for the mere privilege of having her 
vessels and their cargoes placed on an equality with those of their 
own in inaccessible or unfrequented ports. But this mistake will not 
operate so injuriously to British interests as the one which we made 
operates injuriously to American interests. Our products are from 
the soil and consequently ponderous ; those of Great Britain are from 
the workshop and principally light. The Sound tolls of Denmark 
and the transit duties of Prussia affect us considerably, while they are 
scarcely felt by the British. Moreover, 100 pounds of raw cotton 
pays vastly more toll at Elsiucav than 100 pounds cotton twist. 

The second section of the act of Congress approved May 24, 1828, 
ought, in my opinion, to be so amended as to read as follows : 

That upon satisfactory evidence being given to tlie President of the United 
States by the Government of any foreign nation that no discriminating duties 
of tonnage or import, and no sound or river tolls whatever, are imposed or 
levied in the ports of the said nation upon vessels wholly belonging to citizens 
of the United States, or upon the produce, manufactures, or merchandise, im- 
ported in the same from the United States, or from any foreign country, and 
that no transit duties are levied or collected in such nation upon articles, the 
growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States or their fisheries, the 
President is hereby authorized to issue his proclamation, declaring that the 



58 AFFAIRS OP HUNGARY, 184&-1850. 

foreign discriminating duties of tonnage and import within the United States 
are and shall be suspended and discontinued as far as respects the vessels of 
the said foreign nation, and the produce, manufactures, or merchandise im- 
ported into the United States in the same, from the said foreign nation, if they 
be the build of said foreign nation or of the United States, or from any other 
foreign country, the said suspension to take effect from the time of such notifi- 
cation being given to the United States, and to continue as long as the recipro- 
cal exemption of vessels, belonging to citizens of the United States, and their 
cai-goes, as aforesaid, shall be continued and no longer ; provided always 
that he, the President, shall be satisfied that no staple product of the United 
States imported into said nation is considered or employed by the government 
thereof, as a legitimate article from which to realize revenue. 

The acts of Congress of 1817 and 1814 should be repeated, in the 
event of an amendment to that of 1818, similar to the aforegoing. By 
such legislation and subsequent judicious diplomacy, I am quite con- 
fident that we could within a comparatively short period remove the 
most restrictive existing fetters upon our commerce in Europe. 

It is more clear to my mind than ever that the modification of the 
British navigation laws will work adversely to British navigation 
much as British manufactures will be benefited by the act. Should 
the opinion which I have formed be a correct one, an effort to repeat 
the law of last session may succeed a year or two hence. In the mean- 
time I trust our Government will contract a reciprocity treaty with 
Great Britain and for the longest possible term. We should be care- 
ful to confine the British, and indeed every other power or State with 
which we may treat, to the vessels of their own build and the build of 
the United States in their intercourse with our seaports. This would 
be calculated to multiply our shipyards and to give profitable employ- 
ment to mechanical labor. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, your obedient servant, 

A. DuDUET Mann. 



Mt. Mann to the Secretai-^ of State. 
[Keceived Dec. 19, 1849.] 

No. 20.] Paris, November 29, ISJfO. 

Sir : The Nicaraguan question, notwithstanding the positive manner 
in which Lord Palmerston has expressed his opinions, creates no un- 
easiness in the peace-loving circles of Western Europe. It is confi- 
dently believed that it will be adjusted by negotiations, as have been 
all disputed points between the two countries for the last four and 
thirty years. I entertain no fears that my Government will insist 
upon anj'thing that is not just. I am quite satisfied that it will sub- 
mit to nothing that is manifestly wrong. 

The pretensions of Great Britain to the protectorate of the Mos- 
quito Shore were peremptorily asserted in 1845 to the Prussian cabi- 
net. Prince Charles of Prussia, brother of the King, contemplated 
the planting of a German colony on this shore, under the patronage 
of the Government; and he despatched a commission in 1843, com- 
posed of a farmer, a mechanic, and a physician to examine its suit- 
ableness for the purpose. This commission, contrary to general ex- 
pectation, made, upon its return, a rather favorable report; and ar- 
rangements, thereupon, were about to be commenced for embarlring 



AFFAIRS OP HUNGARY, 184^1850. ' 59 

the first expedition of emigrants when Lord Westmoreland notified 
the minister of foreign affairs of Prussia that such a procedure would 
not be permitted by Great Britain, in consequence of which the 
project was abandoned. 

I presume that the Sritish Government then — as now — took a 
view of the subject that was not warranted by the treaty which she 
concluded with Spain in 1786, still in force as concerns Nicaragua. 
In that treaty Great Britain obligated herself to " evacuate the 
country of the Mosquitos, and the Continent in general and the adja- 
cent isles, Avithout exception, situated beyond the frontier line of the 
Belize or British Honduras;" thus formally renouncing every shadow 
of claim to the protectorate which she desires to exercise. The scheme 
of Prince Charles found but little favor in Germany from the first 
except at Berlin, on account of the remoteness of the position se- 
lected, and the known unhealthfulness of the climate, and it was 
abandoned without an investigation of the validit}^ of Great Britain's 
right to interfere, as she had done, in the matter. 

Lord Palmerston I am disposed to believe must either recede from 
the stand assumed by him in relation to Nicaragua or retire from the 
ministry. Perhaps he ma^^ be compelled to do both, for a mistaken 
diplomacy on his part, with the United States, after his numerous 
blunders in European questions, would be viewed with no indul- 
gence by the reflecting portion of the British. Except as a measure 
obviously of self-preservation I have long been persuaded that Great 
Britain will never consent to draw her sword against America. To 
suppose that she will fight about Nicaragua is to suppose that her 
treasury is overflowing and that she has more customers for her 
manufactures, exclusive of ourselves, than she can supply. 

Nothing of importance has transpired on the Continent since the 
date of my last. The London journals, it is true, report that a mis- 
understanding has arisen between Austria and Prussia of so grave a 
nature as to seriously endanger the peace of Europe. Such state- 
ments are entitled in my opinion to no credit whatever. You may 
rely upon it that these two powers are acting in entire concert. The 
one is just as autocratic in its notions as the other. Austria may have 
protested against the proposed Erfurt convention, as is asserted, but 
as like as not in doing so she was actuated by motives of tenderness 
for Prussia, which had been placed a few months ago at the head 
of this movement and could not withdraw voluntarily from it with- 
out giving offense to the States which announced their willingness to 
follow her lead. The Commissioners of Austria and Prussia charged 
with the administration of the German central authority until a 
new Bundesversammlung, similar to the old Diet, shall be definitely 
established were installed in office at Frankfort a day or two since. 

The question of the Duchies I conceive to be almost as good as 
settled. It is scarcely possible that hostilities will be resumed after 
the expiration of the armistice. Schleswig must be aware that she 
can not contend singlehanded against Denmark proper, and the Ger- 
man States will not be disposed to reengage in the conflict. Even if 
they shall not be restrained from doing so by the Frankfort Com- 
mission. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



60 AFFAIRS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[Received January 2, 1850.] 

No. 21.] Paris, December 13, 181(9. 

Sir: In your letter of instructions to me of June 18 you remark: 

Peace and commerce are the noble aims of our happy land. The former by 
God's blessing we enjoy. Let us omit no exertions to secure the most liberal 
and beneficial extension of the latter. 

May I add, to sentiments so patriotic and enlightened, that peace 
is the'principle, commerce the agent through which the grand destiny 
of that " happy land " is to be accelerated? 

Peace is indespensable to a salutary dissemination of the beauties 
of the gospel; to enlarged and pure state of morality; to a proper 
development of our boundless resources; to the attainment, by our 
]iational family, of a thorough knowledge in the science of self- 
government. 

Commerce multiplies our domestic enjoyments; brings us in con- 
tact with the most distant points of the universe ; contributes to in- 
fluence benighted nation^ to emulate the precepts of Christianity; 
carries innumerable blessings to suffering humanity ; familiarizes the 
world with our character as a people and with the superiority of our 
political and religious institutions. 

" Peace and commerce " ! Let us inquire in what manner we can 
best preserve the one and augment the other. 

The letter of Sir Charles Napier to Lord Eussell, relative to the 
past and present condition of the British Navy — which I herewith 
transmit, lest it may not reach you as soon through other channels — 
abounds with useful instruction for our government. By a perusal 
of it, it will be seen that the Navy estimates between the years 1821 
and 18-19 amounted to £156,975,858 ($784,879,290)— a sum equal to 
one-fifth of the present enormous debt of the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Ireland — from which disbursement but compara- 
tively few practical benefits have been derived. According to the 
opinion of Sir Charles, nearly the whole of the sailing vessels are so 
defective, in one way or another, as to be entirely unfit for the serv- 
ice for which they were intended, while it hag been ascertained that 
no less than 30 iron steamers are utterly valueless because of their in- 
capacity to resist a discharge from heavy guns or to carry necessary 
weights. 

Fi'om the important discoveries which science is incessantly mak- 
ing in the economy and power of steam, together with the improve- 
ments in the mechanical arts, I hazard but little in asserting that a 
more effective Navy for the purposes of war, which could be em- 
ployed in peace in moving the products of the industrial classes from 
the ports of one country to those of another, than that of Great 
Britain might be constinicted within the next five years by our Gov- 
ernment for the amount of 12 months' legal United States interest 
on such a sum as the above mentioned. By an expenditure of 
$45,000,000 judiciously between this and the firstday of January, 
1855, on our Navy, I am confident that we could girdle the earth by 
steam, which while carrying the "olive branch" to every nation in 
one hand would carry an unsheathed sword in the other for the 
intimidation of such as might otherwise be disposed to create obsta- 



AFFAIKS OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 61 

cles to the proper discharge of the duties attendant upon our benign 
mission. Forty-five million dollars would build at the lowest com- 
putation 90 steamships of the class of the Mississippi. It would build 
150 of superior capacity for running and carrying of the size of the 
Washington. 

The modification of the British navigation laws will facilitate the 
revolution, on account of the wide field of enterprise which the 
measure" throws open, which steam is destined to occasion in naviga- 
tion. I believe that before a quarter of a centurj'- elapses, a long voy- 
age ship will be quite as rarely seen on the ocean highway as a barge, 
upward bound, propelled by boatmen, is at this time on the Missis- 
sippi Eiver. The foreign canvas navigation, of. the different na- 
tions of the earth, can not fail to rapidly diminish when fairly sub- 
jected to competition with bottoms which move onward, speedil}^ and 
majestically, regardless of head winds or mountain waves. 

The carrying by steam will be conducted by two nations — those 
which speak the language of Milton and Shakespeare. Xo other 
power or state, little Belgium excepted, can engage in it successfully 
because of a destitution of coal, iron, etc. For a time. Great Britain 
may divide with us the ocean transportation, but she will not be a 
prosperous rival long, if we are mindful of our interests and " omit 
no exertions to secure the most liberal' and beneficial extension " of 
our commerce. Nature has been infinitely more liberal in the be- 
stowal of her valuable favors upon us than she has been upon the 
once " proud mistress of the seas." Exclusive of California and Ore- 
gon we have 133,000,000 acres of coal field while Great Britain has 
but 9,000,000 acres. 

In order that we may preserve honorable peace we should show to 
presumptuous powers, without, however, making an ostentatious or 
unnecessary display of our maritime strength, that we are not un- 
prepared for the protection of our rights and interests. In what 
manner can this be accomplished so well as by establishing lines of 
powerful steamers to connect with the most important ports of Eu- 
rope? Our naval officers and seamen, it is presumable, are desirous 
of obtaining as practicable a knowledge of steam, in ocean naviga- 
tion, as possible ; for it is pei;ceptible to them that we shall never lay 
the keel of another sailing man of war as a cruiser. The former 
perhaps, except those far advanced in years, are solicitous of more 
constant and active emploj^ment, in order that they may increase 
their usefulness to their country. Even when in service in distant 
seas they frequently grow weary of port life. Animated, as they 
are. by a noble ambition to make their manly profession, in peace as 
in war. redound to the honest fame of the Kepublic, the Republic 
should withhold from them no advantages calculated to extend their 
professional knowledge. 

It appears to me, from, the aforegoing and other considerations 
which I shall express in a subsequent part of this dispatch, that it is 
obviously the true policy of our Government to commence, at its 
earliest convenience, the building of a sufficient number of steam- 
ships of such construction as would admit of their ready conversion 
into vessels of war, so as to open a direct semimonthly communication 
between New York and Liverpool, New York and Havre, New York 
and Bremen, New York and Lisbon, New York and Genoa, and New 
York and Trieste. At Havre a steamer would be required, in the 



62 AFPAIES OF HUNGARY, 1849-1850. 

execution of this project, to connect with the ports of Amsterdam, 
Rotterdam, and Antwerp. At Bremen one to connect with Cron- 
stadt, Stockhohn, Gottenburg, Stettin, Wisma'r, Copenhagen, and 
Hamburg. At Lisbon one to connect with Marseilles, Barcelona, 
Malaga, Gibraltar, and Cadiz. At Genoa one to connect with 
Palermo, Naples, Civite Vecche, and Leghorn. At Trieste one to 
connect with Odessa, Constantinople, Zante, Corfu, Caterro, Zara, 
Fiume, or Porto-re, Venice, and Ancona. This service could be per- 
formed with 29 ships, alloAving four for each line and five for the 
branches. The cost of this number of a build sufficiently substantial 
for effective use in a belligerent engagement would probably not ex- 
ceed $10,000,000. I mean for such ships as the better Cunarders, with 
such improvements as may from time to time be developed before 
their completion. They should be officered throughout from the Navy 
and should be manned and run at the expense of the Government. 
The passenger, freight, and parcel carrying should be let to con- 
tractors, bona fide citizens of the United States; not more than one 
line or one branch to a contractor. Approved sureties and quarterly 
payments should be exacted. The mails would be conveyed by the 
Government under the superintendence of its agents. The proceeds 
from them, with the amount realized from the contractors, would re- 
turn to the Treasury in all probability a sum of $3,000,000 in the ag- 
gregate for a period of five years annually. Should this result be 
obtained, the first step would be taken in the direction of making the 
Navy a self-supporting establishment; and we should, consequently, 
find it to our interest to increase from time to time the number of 
our steamers connecting with the ports of the east Atlantic and with 
the North,- Baltic, Mediterranean, Adriatic, and Black Seas, but we 
would also engage, and eventually on a much larger scale, in a similar 
service with the far more distant foreign ports of the Pacific. 

A large steam navy without commercial employment would be the 
canker worm to eat out our substance. It would make such requisi- 
tions upon the Treasury for its sustenance as to lay the foundation in 
a few 3^ears of a debt like that which bows Great Britain down, 
crippling her energies and impairing her usefulness. Unless threat- 
ened with an immediate war I shoulc^ question the policy of ever 
having more steamers in commission at once than a number equal to 
those which we have at present afloat and upon the stocks. 

While existing contracts with individuals for the transportation 
of mails to foreign countries should not be infringed, no new ones 
ought to be entered into. As a measure of encouragement to Ameri- 
can citizens disposed to build steamships to be employed in trade in- 
tercourse abroad our Government, after a deduction of 2| per cent, 
should agree to pay the ordinary postage on the mails which they 
might convey. 

If the Government should determine upon adopting the system 
thus proposed it would become necessary to secure by treaty stipula- 
tion, with each of the States embraced, the privilege of carrying from 
and to our vessels, at their respective stations, in the branch steamers 
to and from the ports designated, upon the same terms as though the 
importations and exportations were made direct. This I think could 
be readily accomplished if negotiations were properly conducted. 

" Peace and commerce." Children of public virtue and public 
wisdom ! Properly nourished by us, all thrones will ultimately fall 



ATFAIES OF HUNGARY, 184&-1850. 68 

under their influences and the most benighted barbarians brought 
within the pale of civilization. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Dudley Mann. 



Mr. Mann to the Secretary of State. 

[ Extract. ] 

No. 22.] Paris, January 10, 1860. 

Sir : It is announced that the Chambers of Tuscany are to convene 
in the beginning of February. The subject of the long-contemplated 
comniercial union of Italy will doubtless engage their early delib- 
erations. The preliminaries of this union had been definitively 
arranged, as far as concerned Sardinia, Rome, and Tuscany, before 
the commencement of hostilities between Austria and Sardinia. 
The compact signed by their respective plenipotentiaries is still 
regarded as obligatory. Whether or not the intended object will be 
perfected I am incapable of forming an opinion upon which reliance 
could be placed. In view, however, of the possibility of such an 
occurrence and of the modification of the British laws relating to 
navigation I conceive it to be plainly our interest to contract a treaty 
of navigation and commerce with Tuscany — containing a stipulation 
that any one or all the Italian states may accede to it — securing the 
privilege for term of ten or twelve years of carrying to and from 
the ports of that grand duchy. We would assuredly be the party 
most benefited by a navigation treaty of extended reciprocal liber- 
ality with the Italian States. It would rarely happen that one of 
their vessels would arrive at a port of the United States with a cargo 
from a third country, while we might do a large portion of the carry- 
ing between British and other foreign ports and Leghorn, Civita, 
Vecchia, Naples, etc. In the treaty contracted in 1845 with the 
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies the President, if I am not mistaken, 
Avas desirous of bestowing the right on that State to trade indirectly 
with the United States for permission to enjoy a like right, but the 
government of Naples refused to entertain the proposition. It is a 
matter of really more importance for us to obtain this privilege now 
than it was then. With reference to concessions of customs duties on 
our staples in Tuscany, etc., I have heretofore repeatedly given you 
]my views, and I should but trespass on your patience and time' by 
adverting again to the subject. 

More than ever do I consider it to be to our interest to strengthen 
our ties of friendship with Greece. If the Czar ever crosses the Bos- 
phoriis, as probably meditated by him, he might be inclined, in the 
plentitude of his power, to circumscribe our intercourse with the ports 
of the Levant, the Ionian Isles, and the Grecian Archipelago. Lest 
this may occur I think the policy of establishing a legation at the 
metropolis of Greece is not a questionable one. Before proceeding 
to do so, however, it might be well to inquire minutely into the con- 
dition of aifairs in that Kingdom, and to ascertain whether a desire 
exists for an augmentation of intercourse with us, and also whether 
a treaty more favorable than that whose operations are at present in 
force between the two countries could be negotiated by us. 



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m AFPAIES OF HUNGAHY, 184J Q Q2"| 329 181 6 



j Switzerland is encompassed by serious difficulties, if not absolutely 
menaced with national obliteration. It is stated that the Autocrat 
(^f the North has issued a decree prohibiting the entrance into his 
i-ealms of citizens of the Helvetian Eepublic. This is gtriking at the 
genius of our Government through a kindred but feeble State. Under 
sucli, circumstances I regard it just as imperative upon us to take the 
initiator}^ step for opening diplomatic relations with Switzerland as it 
was foi: recognizing the independence of Hungary in the event of its 
establisli^ent. 

I see with .regret a disposition manifested in certain quarters in the 
Union to suspend all diplomatic intercourse with Austria. Such a 
procedure, if consummated, would be productive of no good, while 
incalculable evils might ensue from it. No one of my countrymen 
has witnessed the hj^ena-like ferocity, the demoniacal perfidiousness, 
of the Austrian authorities toward the Hungarian patriots more dis- 
tinctly or with more pain than myself. No one of my countrymen 
can be more indignant at the enormous outrages of Austria against 
civilization and humanit^^ than myself. In a word, no one of my 
countrymen has the same or a greater cause for deadly hatie of the 
Austrian rulers than myself. Yet I am not for a measure that would 
gratify Hajaiau and cause the votaries of freedom to despond in 
Austria. The noble minded of every country, irrespective of sex, 
have pronounced a verdict of condemnation against the cabinet of 
Vienna, but no Government has undertaken to make the atrocities 
committed under its direction a casus belli. If the United States 
are prepared to engage in hostilities with Austria for grossly violat- 
ing, in the instance of the Magyars, all the usages of civilized war- 
fare, let them terminate their relations with her; but until they are 
thus prepared it seems to me that it would be the most inconsiderate 
of all inconsiderate acts ever committed by an enlightened delibera- 
tive body for Congress to withhold the necessary appropriation for 
the continuance of our legation at Vienna. If we desire to be instru- 
mental in redeeming our species from political bondage and misrule, 
we must rely upon the force of our example made apparent by the 
peaceful dissemination of the benign practical workings of our doc- 
trines. Commerce, our mighty agent for doing good to the world, 
must be unfettered. Our navigation must thoroughly plough every 
sea, moor in every haven. Would we be acting in a sense of right 
to the liberalists of Austria — of crushed Hungary — to shut out our 
light from them, and thus abandon them to their hard fate, in order 
to express our contempt for their scourgers? Assuredly not. Our 
Government, in my opinion, should not only preserve formally, its 
relations with Austria and other merciless continental powers and 
States, but it should also adopt a system, similar to that proposed in 
my dispntch No. 21, for the purpose of augmenting its influence 
through Europe. Our mission on earth, if it be not woefully mis- 
directed by governmental blunders, can not fail to eventuate in the 
political regeneration of the most despotic States. Let " peace and 
commerce with all nations, entangling alliances with none," be our 
"noble aims," and light, with its noiseless blessings, will follow our 
march as justice follows truth. 

I have the honor to be, most faithfully, 

Your obedient servant, A. DuDiiEY Mann. 

o 



.A? 



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021 329 181 6 I 



